This week we continue our look at the life of Patrick van Rensburg (1931- 2017), with him as a young South African diplomat serving as Vice-Consul in Leopoldville (now Kinshasa), in the then Belgian Congo.
It was there that in in May of 1957, he broke ranks by resigning from the civil service in protest against the Apartheid policies of his government. At the time his Afrikaans surname added to the news value of his stance.
Back home Van Rensburg joined the Liberal Party, then a leading political organisation, alongside the by then banned Communists and Congress of Democrats, organising white South African opposition to Apartheid. In September 1958 he became the party’s organizing secretary in Transvaal.
Thereafter he was in the forefront with individuals like Patrick Duncan, in driving the organisation into an increasingly militant direction that culminated in its banning as well as the ultimate participation by some of its members in the emerging armed struggle.
Initially Van Rensburg focused on trying to turn young Afrikaners away from Apartheid. When in 1957 the ANC leader Albert Luthuli was banned for five years under the Suppression of Communism Act, he spearheaded a protest meeting at the steps of Johannesburg Library. Thereafter he frequently joined hands with ANC leaders such as Robert Resha in trying to organise Afrikaner students.
Van Rensburg moved to Britain in mid-1959 and became the “first director” of the campaign to boycott South African goods in Britain and the Netherlands which preceded the Anti-Apartheid Movement. The first edition of Boycott News carried the headline ‘A Direct Appeal from South Africa’. In November 1959 Patrick van Rensburg had written to Chief Lutuli asking him to send a statement calling ‘freshly and clearly’ for a boycott.
The Liberal Party had been split on the issue, but in November the Party’s National Committee passed a resolution approving the boycott ‘both here and overseas, as a legitimate political weapon’.
Thus the message carried in Boycott News was signed jointly by three ANC and Indian Congress leaders Lutuli and Dr G. M. Naicker, along with the Liberal Party National Chairman Peter Brown. It said that an economic boycott was one way in which the world at large could ‘bring home to the South African authorities that they must either mend their ways or suffer for them’.
In 1949 Bechuanaland’s former Resident Commissioner Jules “Ramaeba” Ellenberger recalled that: “When it became clear that war between the Boer Republics and Great Britain was inevitable, the Chiefs of the Bechuanaland Protectorate were warned, on instructions from Sir Alfred Milner (later Lord Milner), that if hostilities did break out the conflict would be one between white races only, one in which they must take no part, but that should the enemy invade their Reserves, it would be their duty, as loyal subjects of Queen Victoria, to assist in repelling the attack.”
The fighting began on October 12, 1899. On the same day Boer Commandos launched incursions into Gammangwato and Gammalete, cutting the telegraph line in the vicinity of Mahalapye and Otse. Having mobilised their mephato to repel the invaders the merafe of Botswana, along with the paramilitary Protectorate Native Police (PNP), were thus engaged in the fighting from the very beginning of the conflict.
The war’s first fatality within Botswana was a Mosotho PNP Constable named Chere. On October 22, 1899 he and another mounted policeman went out on patrol from Fort Gaberones. After climbing atop Kgale hill to scan the country below they caught sight of a number of horse-men travelling towards their Fort. Not sure as to whether they had spotted friendly Balete or enemy Boers they decided to go in for better look.
In the thick bush they soon found themselves face to face with what was indeed a large party of Boers. While fleeing for their lives, Chere was wounded and captured before being finally killed. The following day his horse reportedly turned up at the Fort with “blood on its saddle and flanks”. It was later further reported that, after killing Chere “the Boers had robbed him of his boots and placed his body across the railway line.” Today Chere’s grave is located next to the railway a few kilometres south of Old Naledi.
This past week, 123 years ago, the first train reached Bulwayo from Mahikeng, marking the end of an eight-month push to complete the railway. Although work to extend the rail line north of Mahikeng had begun at the end of 1895, by March 1, 1897 construction had only reached Mochudi.
Cecil Rhodes, whose British South Africa Company had commissioned the building of the railway, then ordered the contractor, a certain George Pauling, to ensure that that the track reached Bulawayo before the end of the year. Thereafter the pace of construction picked up considerably. On July 1, 1897 the line to Palapye was commissioned, followed by the line to Francistown on September 1, 1897, culminating in the railway’s completion just seven weeks later.
The rapid progress on what was a limited budget had resulted in some quality compromises. An engineer working for Pauling observed that:
“In the absence of any other means of transport for materials ahead, they were wholly dependent on their own ability to bring materials up from the base, as the rails were pushed forward. All bridges and openings were of a temporary nature, to be replaced by more permanent constructions at a later date. It was essential to make the maximum progress at the lowest capital cost, with refinements to follow when justified by sufficient revenue. ”
Thousands of Batswana took part in the laying of track, at a time when repeated drought and the devastation of the 1896 rinderpest epidemic drove able bodied males to seek wage labour in mass. With the completion of the line, however, the construction jobs disappeared leaving most with little option but to become migrant labourers in the mines at Kimberly and Gauteng.
The construction of the railroad had an immediate adverse effect on those Batswana who had for generations worked as transport riders along the route. Another negative consequence was heavy deforestation along the line of rail.
This week marks the anniversary of the British colonial regime’s imposition of “Proclamation of October 4th, 1892”, which regulated “the granting of permits for the purchase or receipt by natives of ammunition, and providing for the payment or certain fees for the granting of such permit.”
The legislation further provided for the registration of all guns as a requirement for the purchase cartridges, gunpowder, or lead. “Natives”, i.e. indigenous gun owners, were further limited to 100 rounds per annum. Within months of its passage the new law had the dramatic effect of collapsing what had up until then been the still lucrative export of wild ostrich feathers (then in high demand as a luxury good for ladies hats etc.), among other game products, from the Bechuanaland Protectorate. The Bechuanaland Annual Report for 1892-93 thus observed: “The decrease in the native trade in the Protectorate is attributed to restrictions recently placed on the sale of arms and ammunition to natives and consequent loss of two-thirds of the trade in wild ostrich feathers.”
The report further tied the restriction to a decline in imports as well as exports to the territory, noting: “It is observed that the supplies for the natives in the Northern Protectorate have decreased considerably; and there is reason to believe that the restrictions placed upon the sale of arms and ammunition have re-acted prejudicially upon general business. It is reported that many of Khama’s men entertain prejudices against the registration of their guns, without which they are not permitted to purchase cartridges, gunpowder, or lead.
As so few are willing to comply with the requirements of the law, and they are limited to 100 rounds per annum each, the quantity of ammunition procurable by them is insufficient to warrant their starting upon their usual lengthy hunting trips, because, whilst absent from their kraals, (often for several months at a time) they have to depend upon their guns for food. The consequence is that many hunters remain at home now; and, although wild ostriches are very plentiful in the old hunting grounds, only about one-third of the former quantity of feathers is brought to the traders to be exchanged for imported goods.”