Connect with us
Advertisement

The Manna and the Shewbread

Benson C Saili
THIS EARTH, MY BROTHER

Both these were calibrated versions of the monoatomic white powder of gold

The Anunnaki, the Old Testament gods, came to Earth, from their planet Nibiru, about 450,000 years ago to prospect for gold.  


According to Sumerian records, the first place they searched for this gold was in the Persian Gulf, in the sea. Chroniclers of the Anunnaki saga, including the highly regarded Zechariah Sitchin, have taken it for granted that the gold the Anunnaki were prospecting for in the sea was regular gold, the familiar yellow metal. That, regrettably, is misconceived.  


The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) calculates that there is today about 20 million tons of gold dissolved in all sea water on the planet. But to extract just one ounce of gold, one will need about 30 million pounds of sea water. “We are talking such miniscule quantities that it is hard to even wrap your head around it,” says the NOAA. Maybe the quantity of gold in the oceans at the time of the Anunnaki was higher then if we take account of the gold-rich asteroids that hurtle into Earth’s seas from time to time, but the extraction ratio must have been the same.  Clearly, if it was metallic gold the Anunnaki were looking for, the sea was the wrong place to look. But they did scour the sea for gold all right. This gold, however, was not metallic gold: it was Ormus – monoatomic gold.   


The first thing the Anunnaki were concerned about when they touched down on Earth was their wellbeing healthwise on a foreign planet. The other was their lifespan on a planet with an infinitesimally shorter circumsolar (around the sun) cycle compared with Nibiru. If they had to guarantee sound health through and through and more or less maintain their life expectancy, they needed Ormus sooner than later.

Ormus, as we said last time around, abounds by far much more in the sea than on firm land. It was after they had extracted sufficient quantities of Ormus from the sea that the Anunnaki now decided to set up mining facilities in Africa and embark on the extraction of metallic gold. This is the sequence they followed as Sumerian records crystal-clearly set out for us.  


The gold the Anunnaki came to obtain from Earth, Sumerian records inform us, was lofted into the upper reaches of their planet’s atmosphere with a view to seal the ozone hole. But that was simply one of the purposes for which it was used.  A proportion of any element that is suspended in the stratosphere is certain to fall back on the surface of the planet as a component of rain. That was the case with Nibiru. The planet’s “golden rain” bathed the herbs, plants, grass, fruits, and crops and the dissolved monoatomic gold was therefore absorbed and chemically retained.

When the Anunnaki fed on these fruits and crops and on the meaty animals that fed on the planet’s flora, or when they (the Anunnaki) partook of naturally grown herbs or herbal products, they automatically absorbed the monoatomic gold, the Ormus, they contained. That way, their lives were practically infinitely prolonged by the Ormus, which has anti-aging properties and is innately medicinal across every ailment.   

WHY THE ANUNNAKI “SHONE”

In the Sumerian records, the Anunnaki are sometimes referred to as “The Shining Ones”. To most pundits, this is taken to be an allusion to their skin colour, which is said to have been albino-white. But this is only partly true.  Let us once again recognise that the Anunnaki were not a monolithic race: they came in different shades. Some of the Anunnaki were dark skinned, the Olmecs, who civilised Mesoamerica and much of Asia, being a case in point. The Anunnaki who were light-skinned through and through were the so-called Elohim, the ruling pantheon and their clan, who included Enki and Enlil. 

It is the light-skinned Anunnaki who predominated but they were not the only members of the Anunnaki race. If the Anunnaki came in every hue, why were they called the Shining Ones? Once again, this had to do with the consumption of Ormus, the monoatomic white powder of gold. Maybe we should take a moment to familiarise with a part of the physics of the human body. We humans are electrical beings. We generate electricity and are powered by electricity.

Do you know what the doctors measure to declare a person dead? It is electricity. When they cannot detect electrical activity in the body using their sophisticated bio-medical technology, they pronounce the person dead. Electricity allows our nervous system, which permeates every part of the body, to send signals to our brain. These signals are actually electrical impulses that are delivered from cell to cell, allowing for nearly instantaneous communication. When body electricity is at its optimum, a person will be at his optimal health.


Now, our bodies are rarely at optimal health because electricity does not flow at its superlative speed owing to innate imperfections in the way we’re constituted. The cells in our body do communicate with each other, just like we do as beings. This inter-cellular communication is achieved by what is known as superconductivity – the transportation of electricity from one cell to another without resistance, at the speed of sound. When an atom is superconducting, it no longer behaves like an ordinary cell: it behaves like light or a source of light.  


When Ormus is ingested in sufficient quantities, it increases the superconductivity of the cells by a factor of 10,000. When that happens, the person will “shine like the sun”. This is probably an exaggeration but the person will certainly radiate light from every cell of the body. This is what used to happen to the Anunnaki, who made Ormus a staple of their diet. The tread-of-the-mill phrases such as “God is Light” stem from the effects of Ormus on the Anunnaki gods. When an Anunnaki god had  partaken of enormous quantities of Ormus, he was said to dwell in unapproachable light, so that those around him had to cover their eyes lest they  be blinded.   


This glittering aspect about the Anunnaki we encounter many a time in the Sumerian chronicles. When the Babylonians desecrated his temple at his cult city Nippur in the Edin, Enlil, the principal Jehovah/Yahweh of the Old Testament, pounced upon them with a vengeance.

The Sumerian records say he rushed to Nippur and “riding in front of him were gods (fellow Anunnaki) clothed with radiance”, the latter statement simply meaning they shone. In his highly illuminating 1995 book Fingerprints of the Gods, Graham Hancock writes that Viracocha (the name by which Ishkur-Hadad, Enlil’s youngest son, was known in Mesoamerica) used to be “accompanied by messengers of two kinds: faithful soldiers (huaminca) and shining ones (hayhuaypanti).”


In EXODUS 34:29-35, we’re told that when Moses descended down Mount Sinai after a session with “God”, his face was so radiant that he had to put a veil over it  before he could talk to the nation of Israel.  The reasons he shone in like manner are not explained. Well, it is simple: he had partaken of very highly concentrated Ormus.
    
MANNA WAS ORMUS FOR NATION OF ISRAEL!

If you recall what we said last time around, Ormus is a recurrent feature in the Bible, often directly but on occasion veiled in a language that may appear as code to us but which secret society initiates of the day understood rather easily. In the Bible, Ormus is primarily referred to as manna. It is also called bread, the bread of life, shewbread, the bread of the presence, white stone, gold glass, or simply proper food.


The commonest reference to Ormus, manna, was meant to confuse the uninitiated. For manna simply means, “what is it?” This statement embodied elements both of mystery (what the hell is this thing?) and wonder, the latter because of the wondrous effects it had on those who consumed it. It had to remain a mystery to those who were not ordained into the mystery schools of the day.


In the Bible, manna is first encountered in the time of Moses, during the Jewish exodus from Egypt to “The Promised Land” (“The Usurped Land” fits the bill better).  When the nation of Israel was confined to the wilderness for 40 years, they were fed on manna, which was rained down overnight around the mountain they were camped from Anunnaki choppers. Explaining what this mysterious substance was to his people, Moses described it as “bread” God, that is, Enlil, had provisioned his people.

 

It was white in colour, was shaped into wafers (like the sacrament bread of the Catholics today) and tasted like honey (because honey was a binding ingredient), but Moses described it as bread anyway. Now, the authors of the Pentateuch (first five books of the Old Testament) are noted for their penchant for meticulous detail.

 

They could describe a procedure, an apparatus, paraphernalia, a ritual, a special  attire, or an object encyclopaedically.  Yet they furnish no details as to what a seemingly vital source of sustenance such as manna exactly was. This of course is deliberate. They didn’t want to give the game away. But the term “bread’ is a sufficient enough cue.


This bread, this manna, was Ormus. It was necessary for Enlil to feed his people with Ormus because first, he wanted to ensure that they were in sound health both at the spiritual and physical level. Second, he wanted to see to it that in the event that they were engaged in wars of conquest, they should be fighting fit.  Ormus was an omnipotent enough food to guarantee both these capacities. However, the Ormus the Israelites were given was a dumbed-down version.

 

Firstly, it was not made from gold but from copper, a mineral in which the Sinai Peninsula was very rich (Recall that Ormus can be made not only from gold but also from silver, the platinum metals, copper, nickel, cobalt, and mercury. These metals are  ipso facto known as the ORME Elements, ORME being an acronym for Orbitally Rearranged Monoatomic Elements, or Ormus in short).  Secondly,  the white powder of copper, the  copper Ormus,  was mixed with a disproportionately large quantity of unleavened (yeastless) flour.

 

It was reasonably potent enough though to nourish both their bodies and their souls but not to  effect a wholesale transformation intellectually and genetically.   For from what we glean from happenings in the wilderness, the Israelites  still aged and died and were not that intellectually focused. They did a lot of dumb things. The Anunnaki would never give Earthlings high-grade Ormus with medicinal and anti-aging properties, with properties that perfected the intellect.  


 A story is told in Exodus whereby Moses took unusually long during his consultations with “God” (Ishkur-Hadad) on Mount Sinai. He was gone for more than a month and having lost hope of ever seeing him again (they assumed their hot-tempered God had smitten him dead  for one reason or the other)  the nation of Israel pooled their gold earrings, melted them, and forged a golden calf as a medium of worship. Moses, when he finally returned, did something extraordinary. Says EXODUS 32:20: “And he took the calf the people had made and burned it in the fire; then he ground it to powder, scattered it on the water and made the Israelites drink it.”


Now, this is telling. Firing gold does not produce powder: it produces molten gold. So what in God’s name had Moses done? He produced Ormus, the white, monoatomic powder of gold, then gave it to the Israelites to consume it. What was the object of doing so? To steady their temperament for that is one of the effects of Ormus. The brain-dead, undiscerning Christian clergy interpret Moses’s act as a “punishment” for  his people’s disobedience, for committing a sacrilege. To the contrary,  this was not a punishment:  it was a corrective and remedial ritual.     

SHEWBREAD – THE PRIESTLY ORMUS

In antiquity, gold was known as the metal of the gods – the Anunnaki. It is therefore not surprising that gold – both the metallic type and the monoatomic variety – had a connotation and symbolism in the Bible that had divine undertones. A prominent personage in the Pentateuch is one Bezaleel.

Bezaleel was the most skilled goldsmith of the day; as such, he was the chief artisan of the tabernacle (a portable  tent temple the Israelites used during their 40 years of wandering in the wilderness under Moses)  and was tasked to build the iconic Ark of the Covenant. EXODUS 39:32-41 sets out comprehensively the contents, components, and constituents of the tabernacle. Of these, the most enigmatic was an item known as the bread of the presence. In other sections, it is referred to as  shewbread or, intriguingly, meat. What was shewbread?


Shewbread consisted of twelve, disc-shaped cakes, each representing a tribe of Israel, that were placed on a golden table in the tabernacle in the Holy Place, which was in front of the Holy of Holies, the most sacred precinct of the tabernacle. It was called shewbread (“shew” is the archaic form of “show”) because it was meant to be symbolically shown off to the imaginary presence of God (hence, its other name, the bread of the presence) in an imaginary picture of God’s willingness to fellowship with his people.  


The fact that it was not ordinary bread is hinted by the person who prepared it. It was Bezaleel, a master craftsman of copper, silver, and gold. Certainly, if it were made from ordinary flour, it would not have required preparation by a master metallurgist. In preparing the shewbread, Bezaleel worked with the Kohathite priests only, one of the three main divisions of the Levite priests,  and no other.

 

This particularised feature about its preparation is suggestive  of the necessity to jealously protect and classify knowledge of its ingredients.  Indeed, the Jewish Encyclopaedia notes that, “It would seem that the preparing of these cakes involved certain information which was kept as a secret by this priestly set”.


The shewbread of the tabernacle was made from Ormus of gold mixed with unleavened flour, also known as “fine flour” or “sweet flour”, the latter because it was laced with a bit of honey to make it palatable to the taste.   It had to be made from gold and not any other monoatomic element because gold was the elemental symbol of God. The table itself was made out of gold and bore only gold utensils. Every piece of furniture in the room was made of gold.


The 12 shewbread cakes were replaced every seven days.  Jewish rabbinical literature says despite a “tablelife” of seven  days, the cakes remained as hot as if they were freshly baked, something very uncharacteristic of ordinary bread. The replaced cakes were to be consumed by  the serving priests right in the Holy Place.

 

However, some priests chose to share  their portion of the cake with members of their families. But the family members would not enter the Holy Place to partake of it: they would have to do so in the outer court. Slaves belonging to the priests were also entitled to partake of the shewbread cakes. Clearly, it was privileged  food for privileged people who were pivotal to the Anunnaki-instituted idolatry ritual we now call religion.        


The Jewish rabbinical literature says when the shewbread was distributed to priests, each received the measure of a size of a bean seed (there were up to 22,000 priests, then add to that their families) but this was enough to meet both their intellectual and bodily needs as well as their illumination metaphysically!


Ordinary  bread would not have accomplished this: only Ormus could.  

NEXT WEEK: THE BIBLE’S ORMUS-POWERED MACHINE

Continue Reading

Columns

Let’s Get BPO Industry Out of its Present Limbo

26th October 2020
Majakathata “Jax” Pheko

At an economically tumultuous juncture of our country’s history as we presently are, where unemployment has become something of a Gordian Knot conundrum, a promisingly ameliorational pursuit known as Business Process Outsourcing (BPO) is well worth exploring as a salvavic option.

One pundit defines BPO as “a subset of outsourcing that involves contracting the operations and responsibilities for a particular business process to a third-party service provider.” Examples of BPO services, which invariably do not constitute a company’s core or primary mission, include inbound and outbound call centres, live chat, bookkeeping, web development, research marketing, accounting and finance, and after-hours call answering services. BPO is driven, fundamentally, by the imperative of cost-cutting and overrides national boundaries through the employment and deployment of technologies that make human and data communications easier, thus lending credence to the concept of the global village that is today’s world.

BPO had been in existence in its primordial form since as early as the 19th century but it was not until the 1980s that its latter-day incarnation loomed larger and the term outsourcing became part of daily business parlance. Today, every continent is into BPO, including the economic Dark Horse called Africa. The Global IT-BPO Outsourcing Deals Analysis segments BPO buyer regions into three categories. These are North and South America (42 percent); Europe, Africa, and the Middle East (35 percent); and Asia and Oceania 23 percent.

In a Third World country such as Botswana, overseas-oriented BPO is key to bringing in those paramount hard currencies besides engendering a radical turnaround in the all too dingy joblessness picture. But are we up to it folks? Have we gotten aboard the bandwagon or we are virtual spectators watching nonchalantly as the BPO locomotive streaks away at breakneck speed?

JAX’S FLASH-IN-THE-PAN SUCCESS

The extent to which BPO has taken root in Botswana is not apparent. The first time I heard of it was in August 2007, when the Botswana Qualifications Authority (BQA), then going by the name Botswana Training Authority (BOTA), put it on record at a one-day IFSC-organised conference that they were in the process of developing standards for the nascent BPO industry in Botswana whilst they benchmarked with Mauritius, the UK, and South Africa. Little, if anything at all, has been heard of their progress since.

In February 2018, The Botswana Guardian reported of the newly-established Direct BPO, a fully-owned subsidiary of Mascom, which was looking to employing 400 people at the very outset. Once again, details as to how Direct BPO, whose establishment coincided with Mascom’s 20-year anniversary, has fared to date remain sketchy.

Perhaps the most spectacular case of a BPO operation in Botswana was that of Oseg, a company begun by Majakathata Pheko, affectionately known as Jax, in 2003 under the Debtsolve franchise umbrella. Oseg, which comprised of three divisions, offered customer management and financial services solutions and operated out of Gaborone and Windhoek in Namibia, where it touted MTN as its principal client. Oseg did receivable management for local financial blue chips such as Barclays Bank, FNB, Bayport, MVA, Botswana Insurance Company, Letshego, and Standard Chartered, and in due course CEDA and Mascom. It also served the Australian offshore market. Its account receivable division was the biggest in Botswana, handling over 60,000 accounts and managing a portfolio of over P400 million.

At its height, Oseg employed 150 people and had spent over P15 million on cutting edge technology and manpower training. In 2007, Oseg was nominated for Best Non-European Contact Centre at the CCF Awards held that year in Birmingham, UK, the “Oscars of the industry”.

Then in 2016, the sky seemed to have fallen. Oseg found itself saddled with an odious P4.4 million debt, with its staff resultantly trimmed to just under 50. According to media reports, Jax pointed to his own bankrollers and their partners in the alleged crime as his rather devious saboteurs. “I have evidence that powerful people in the bank and a cabal of friends both inside and outside the bank were intentionally and aggressively looking for ways to weaken Oseg, tarnish its name and diminish its value as they were in the same competing business interests, in the call centre and the factoring business,” the then youthful entrepreneur, who was only 41 at the time, bemoaned.

Jax reported the matter to NBFIRA and what came of that, not to mention the continued viability of his business, I have not been able to establish. I just hope and trust that Jax personally weathered the tempest as I have it on good authority that he is doing fairly well.

BOTSWANA MISSING OUT ON DOLLAR-DENOMINATED BILLIONS

For emerging economies, and even peripheral Third World countries, the BPO business can be something of a gold mine. According to the latest McKinsey report, the global BPO industry is valued at $163 billon and is expected to grow at $183 billion by the year 2023.

In the Philippines, BPO, which began with a call centre setup way back in 1992, accounts for 11 percent of GDP, the single biggest contributor to the nation’s economic activity. It employs 1.3 million people in over 700 outsourcing companies. One company, called Teleperformance, alone employs 47,000 people in 21 sites. In 2019, the BPO sector generated revenues of the order of $26.3 billion.

In India, the BPO sector, now 30 years old, provides direct employment to 2 million people and indirect employment to 8 million. In 2019, the BPO income overall amounted to $8.6 billon.  In Mauritius, the ICT/BPO sector contributed 6 percent to GDP in 2019, representing a key driver of the Mauritian economy. The BPO sector is responsible for 53 percent of the 27,000 people employed in the ICT/BPO superstructure in 850 companies.

According to the Economic Development Board of Mauritius, leading multinationals such as Accenture, Huawei, Aspen Pharmacare and Allianz have back office operations in Mauritius. In addition, a number of international payroll companies currently use Mauritius as a service delivery centre.

Kenya is also looking to position itself as a hub for global digital BPO, notably through government promotion schemes such as Ajira. According to the ITC Authority of Kenya, the market size for online work was estimated to be $4.8 billion in 2016 and was projected to generate $15 billon by 2020. With only 7000 people employed in the BPO industry in the country, we are talking about a modest figure though it is still brisk compared to the rather lugubrious situation in Botswana. Clearly, there are billions in US dollar terms to be had in BPO and we are missing out on these big time.

MZANZI LEAVES BW IN THE DUST

Yet it is Big Brother next door from whom we have precious much to glean as he is our immediate competitor potentially in the BPO race. Remember, if our IFSC continues to flounder to date, it is largely on account of the fact that in Mzansi, we have a formidable rival right on our doorstep.

As we speak, the South African BPO sector is valued at $461 million going by the invariably authoritative McKinsey survey. It employs 270,000 people in six cities, a figure projected to more than double to 775,000 by 2030. Of the current total staff base, 65,000 serve international clients. That South Africa has made such enormous strides in the BPO arena is meritoriously earned and not simply fortuitous. It has been voted the second most attractive BPO location in the world for three years on the trot.

The South African BPO sector is tipped to grow by 3 percent per annum over the next three years, a rate which is in line with the trends in the global BPO space. There are currently over 100 local and international BPO providers operating in South Africa, with local players in the main serving large multinational customers. The industry’s key offshore business clientele is domiciled in English-speaking countries, notably the United Kingdom, United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Ireland, with 61 percent coming from the United Kingdom, 18 percent from the United States and Canada, and 11 percent from Australia.

In June this year, the $1.5 trillion-strong Amazon announced that it would be signing up a total of 3000 South Africans to help cater to its customers in North America and Europe, which is testament to the fact that the country’s BPO market continues to make waves in the Western world. If Jeff Bizos is impressed, you can count on the likes of Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg to follow suit too sooner rather than later.

A FORGONE OPPORTUNITY TO TURBO-CHARGE THE BPO INDUSTRY IN BOTSWANA

Empowerment Africa is an organisation that boasts a business network that enables established and emerging businesses to connect, partner, and create long-term value with Africa-based projects. With reportedly 3000 esteemed contacts, it liaises with governments, major corporations, and investors to facilitate business opportunities, deliver deal flow, and provide research across its network to the Empower Africa business community.

Empowerment Africa recommends seven countries in Africa with thriving outsourcing industries. They are Ethiopia, Nigeria, South Africa, Kenya, Ghana, Mauritius, and Madagascar in that order. Botswana is conspicuous by its absence and that must be ample cause for concern to our Monetary Authorities, especially given that at least on paper, we are economically better off than three to four of these countries.

In 2015, Jax approached the Ministry of Youth, Sport and Culture and propositioned a joint partnership with Oseg in unlocking BPO potential in Botswana by looking at the public sector Debt Collection and Call Centre services for government. Jax reckoned that the total market for Receivables and Revenue collections sitting in Government and Parastatal organisations at the time amounted to over P3.5 billion, equivalent to 8% of the National Budget then. If the BPO sector was to be utilised to assist in collecting this debt, over 2700 jobs would be created.

Furthermore, considering that a typical government employee spent half the time attending to inquiries from members of the public, the exercise would result in improved efficiency delivery in government departments in addition to boosting government’s liquidity position.

This is what Jax said in a 50th independence anniversary publication in 2016 on the same subject. “Our estimations are that once all the collections work is outsourced, there is a potential to collect more than P100 million every month for the Government of Botswana.

The opportunity to create more than 2700 exists, which will help to mop out unemployed graduates and upskill them. The economic impact of 2700 jobs would support more than 15,000 people in the economy and also help to create jobs in other industries that support the BPO sector, and will stimulate the whole ICT sector. Over and above that, the outsourcing would stimulate the whole IT sector and help improve Botswana’s position as an ICT and Call Centre hub.”

Once again, I am not privy to what came of this proposition, but I am persuaded that had government acceded to it, the BPO business in the country would have quantum-leaped and we would today be waltzing on the proverbial Cloud 9 in terms of revenues generated. Even the road retarder Oseg encountered with its bankers would not have been a factor at all. As significant, we would in all probability have made it on Empowerment Africa’s short list for the continent’s pre-eminent BPO addresses.

THE INSTRUMENTALITY OF GOVERNMENT IN BOOSTING BPO FORTUNES

Granted, with the advent of the still latent E-Governance, the synergic potential with the Call Centre business is stupendous. As per Jax’s pitch to those who care to hear, “The outsourcing of the E-Governance and collections will greatly improve efficiency in service delivery in the government departments. Directing traffic and enquiries to a Call Centre would empower the BPO sector in such a way that would be able to help the public from all over the country from one central point 24 hours and 7 days week.

The Call Centres would also relieve Government of the pressure to develop brick and mortar representations/offices across the country. This would help to save billions of Pula as the public will be able to access the services from the comfort of their homes and villages. The Call Centre service would bridge the urban and rural division as everyone will now be able to access Government services and receive the same service.”

The real jackpot both to government and the broader citizenry, however, resides in the offshore market. With sales cycles in the BPO business taking up to 12 months, contracts typically run from five to seven years, which is sustained lucrativeness by any measure. It is in the direction of the overseas market that much of our energy should be focused, though wary that we do not recklessly neglect the domestic market, if we are to reinvigorate the BPO industry and get meaningful returns out of it.

Developed countries are all the more keen to outsource as one way to insulate their economies against severe hurt inflicted by globalwide economic tremors. For instance, it was thanks to offshore outsourcing that Australia so ably navigated the 2008 economic crisis. That year, IBM released a BPO report showing that 80% of Australian companies were willing to outsource from offshore companies to save 50% in expenses.

Here in Botswana, I would recommend that government be in the BPO vanguard by splashing on a whole host of catalytic factors. In South Africa, for instance, the Department of Industry, Trade and Competition devoted R1.3 billion between 2007 and 2018 to bolstering the BPO industry in one way or the other and committed a further R1.2 billion in 2019 alone, gestures which no doubt underlie the solid performance of the industry.

Even when the lockdowns were in progress, the industry was accorded essential services status so that it kept the momentum going. As if not to be outdone, the South African BPO industry body, Business Process Enabling South Africa (BPESA), has commendably done its part in aiding the growth of the industry by supporting skills development, sharing best practice, and providing its members with access to other business networks and associations that drive and influence the sector’s transition into the digital economy. In Mauritius, the Prime Minister himself, and not a man of lesser stature, directly oversees the BPO sector.

For Botswana to make a mark in the BPO arena, it has to build a reputation as a reliable, cost-effective, and high-quality destination for outsourced business services, attributes all of which South Africa excels in. In addition, South African BPO players provide higher-quality services owing to strength across five key areas: availability of skills, infrastructure, risk profile, business environment, and industry size. In Botswana, we will need to nurture some of these strengths with the instrumentality of government.

With the advent of COVID-19, it is of essence that traditional BPO providers build capabilities to enable rapid deployment and ramp-up of fully functional teams under crisis scenarios. Operational resilience, that is, the ability to pivot when an ordinarily disruptive set of circumstances hits, is key. South Africa demonstrated this capacity most eloquently when 90 percent of the workforce was able to switch to remote work in residential settings, when 50 percent of operations in key competing locations such as the Philippines and India came to a virtual standstill.

Lastly but by no means the least, a competitive currency is a reasonably efficacious undercutting strategy. In recent months, the South African Rand has significantly weakened against the US dollar, in which the cost of outsourcing is typically denominated, and this has enabled South African BPOs to compete more effectively with Asian offerings.

It concerns me that last year, the Pula appreciated by 1.6 percent against the SDR (Special Drawing Right), which is a compound of five currencies, namely the US dollar, the British Pound, the Euro, the Japanese Yen, and the Chinese Yuan. If that relatively ripped Pula trajectory persists, it will not help our BPO competitiveness at all Rre Moses Pelaelo.

Continue Reading

Columns

Cyrus Frees the Jews

26th October 2020
In 538 BC, Cyrus, ruler of the Persian Empire

Mighty Persian King ends Babylonian exile after 60 years

For all his euphoria and grandiose preparations for Nibiru King Anu’s prospective visit to Earth, General Atiku, Nebuchadnezzar didn’t live to savour this potentially highly momentous occasion. In fact, none of his next three bloodline successors were destined to witness up-close the return of the Planet of the Gods, as Nibiru was referred to in Sumerian and Egyptian chronicles.

Nebuchadnezzar died in 562 BC, having ruled for 43 years, missing Nibiru, which showed up circa 550 BC as we set down in The Earth Chronicles series, by a whisker. During the next 6 years, he had three successors in such an unconscionably short period of time. His immediate one was Merodach, his eldest son.

This content is locked

Login To Unlock The Content!

Continue Reading

Columns

Understanding Botswana’s trade dispute resolution framework: Litigation

26th October 2020

In Botswana, the Trade Disputes Act, 2016 (“the Act”) provides the framework within which trade disputes are resolved. This framework hinges on four legs, namely mediation, arbitration, industrial action and litigation. In this four-part series, we discuss this framework.

In last week’s article, we discussed the third leg of Botswana’s trade dispute resolution framework-industrial action. In this article, we discuss the fourth leg, namely litigation at the Industrial Court. The Act does not define the term litigation. Litigation is generally understood to mean a situation where parties to a trade dispute take their dispute to a court, in this case the Industrial Court, for determination by a judge.

Just like an arbitrator, a judge’s decision is binding on the parties though they can, of course, appeal it. However, while an arbitrator must be acceptable to both parties, a judge does not have to be acceptable to the parties. A party can, however, apply for the judges’ recusal from the case for such reasons as reasonable apprehension of bias.

Before discussing litigation at the Industrial Court, it is apposite that a brief background of the origins and evolution of the Industrial Court be given. The original Trade Disputes Act (No. 19/1982) provided for disputes to be adjudicated, inter alia, by a Permanent Arbitrator. This is confirmed in Veronica Moroka & 2 Others v The Attorney General and Another, Court of Appeal Civil Appeal No. CACGB-121-17 at para 11.

The Industrial Court replaced the institution of the Permanent Arbitrator (Dingake Collective Labour Law in Botswana 23) following the enactment of the Trade Disputes Act (No. 23/1997) which, as confirmed in the Veronica Moroka case supra, came into force on 9 October 1997.

As per Kirby JP, in the Veronica Moroka case supra, the Industrial Court’s status “as a court was uncertain and no provision was made for it to be served by a Registrar, with the usual powers and duties of such office”.

The Court of Appeal, in Botswana Railways Organization v Setsogo and Others, 1996 BLR 763 CA, remedied this defect. It held that the Industrial Court was not a mere statutory tribunal, but was, in line with Section 127(1) of the Constitution of Botswana, a subordinate court, having limited jurisdiction.

Following the change of the definition of subordinate court by Act 2/2002 to exclude the Industrial Court, along with the Court of Appeal, the High Court and a court martial, the Industrial Court became a superior court, albeit still with limited jurisdiction unlike the High Court, for instance, which has inherent unlimited jurisdiction.

Consequently, appeals from the Industrial Court were referred to the Court of Appeal. Perhaps most significantly, according to Veronica Moroka, Industrial Court judges were now, just like High Court judges, protected by, inter alia, security of tenure.

The Trade Disputes Act was further amended and replaced by the Trade Disputes Act, 2003 which commenced on 6 April 2004 as Act No. 15 of 2004. Section 16(8) of this Act provided for the appointment of the Registrar and an Assistant Registrar, but still had no section clothing them with specific powers.

It, through section 20(3), also bestowed, in the Court, the power to hear urgent applications and, in terms of section 18(1), the power to grant interdicts, thereby remedying the defects identified in Botswana Railways Organization v Setsogo & Others supra, but it still had no provision dealing with writs of execution and sales flowing therefrom.

In terms of section 18(1) of the Act, the Industrial Court’s jurisdiction includes the power to hear and determine all trade disputes except disputes of interest as well as, in terms of section 20(1) (b) of the Act, the power to interdict any unlawful industrial action and to grant general interdicts, declaratory orders or interim orders.

In terms of section 20(1) (c) of the Act, the Industrial Court is also clothed with the power to hear appeals and reviews of the decisions of mediators and arbitrators respectively. It, in terms of section 20(1) (d) of the Act, has the power to direct the Commissioner to assign a mediator to mediate a dispute if it is of the opinion that the matter has not been properly mediated or requires further mediation.

In terms of section 20(1) (e) of the Act, the Industrial Court also has the power to direct the Commissioner to refer a dispute that is before the Court for arbitration. In terms of section 20(1) (f) of the Act, it has the power to refer any matter to an expert and, at the Court’s discretion, to accept the expert’s report as evidence in the proceedings.

The Industrial Court also has the power to give such directions to parties to a trade dispute provided the object of such directions is the expedient and just hearing and determination or disposal of any dispute before it.

In terms of section 20(2) of the Act, any matter of law and any question as to whether a matter for determination is a matter of law or a matter of fact is decided by the presiding judge. In terms of section 20(3) of the Act, with respect to all issues other than those referred to under section 20 (2), the decision of the majority of the Court prevails.

Where there is no majority decision under section 20 (3), the decision of the judge prevails. In terms of section 24(2) of the Act, any interested party in any proceedings under the Act may appear by legal representation or may be represented by any other person so authorised by that party.

In terms of section 28(2) of the Act, a decision of the Industrial Court has the same force and effect as a decision of the High Court, and because, unlike South Africa, Botswana has no Labour Appeal Court, decisions of the Industrial Court, just like those of the High Court, are, in terms of section 20(5) of the Act, appealable to the highest court in the land, that is, the Court of Appeal.

The Trade Disputes Act went through another amendment in 2016. Section 14 of the Act ensures the continuation of the Industrial Court. It outlines its functions as the settlement of trade disputes as well as the securing and maintenance of good industrial relations in Botswana.

In terms of section 15(1) of the Act, the judges of the Industrial Court are appointed by the state President from among persons possessing the qualifications to be judges of the High Court as prescribed under section 96 of the Constitution.

In terms of section 15(2) of the Act, these judges are headed by the President of the Industrial Court designated by the state President from among the judges.

In terms of section 15(4) of the Act, a judge of the Industrial Court who is not a citizen of Botswana or who is not appointed on permanent and pensionable terms may be appointed on contract basis and is eligible for reappointment.

In terms of section 15(5) of the Act, Judges of the Industrial Court sit with two nominated members, one of whom is selected by the judge from among persons nominated by the organisation representing employees or trade unions in Botswana and the other selected by the judge from among persons nominated by the organisation representing employers in Botswana.

In terms of section 15(6) of the Act, where, for any reason, the nominated members are or either of them is absent for any part of the hearing of a trade dispute, the jurisdiction of the court may be exercised by the judge alone or with the remaining member of the Court, whichever the case may be, unless the judge, for good reason, decides that the hearing should be postponed.

In terms of section 18(1) of the Act, An Industrial Court judge vacates office on attaining the age of 70 years, provided that the state President may permit him or her to continue in office for such period as may be necessary to enable him or her to deliver judgment or to do any other thing in relation to proceedings that had commenced before him or her.

In terms of section 18(2) of the Act, in accordance with the provisions of the proviso to section 96(6) of the Constitution, a person appointed to act as an Industrial Court judge vacates that office on attaining the age of 75 years.

In terms of section 19(1) (a) and (b) of the Act, an Industrial Court judge may be removed from office only for inability to perform the functions of his or her office, whether arising from infirmity of body or mind, or from any other cause or for serious misconduct.

In terms of section 19(2) of the Act, the power to remove an Industrial Court judge from office vests in the state President acting in accordance with the procedure provided under section 97 of the Constitution for the removal of High Court judges.

*Ndulamo Anthony Morima, LLM(NWU); LLB(UNISA); DSE(UB); CoP (BAC); CoP (IISA) is the proprietor of Morima Attorneys. He can be contacted at 71410352 or  anmorima@gmail.com

Continue Reading
Do NOT follow this link or you will be banned from the site!