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Masisi abdicates responsibility

Kesitegile Gobotswang (PhD)

Traditionally the Vice President of the Republic of Botswana had portfolio responsibilities. In the last 50 years out of four Ministers in charge of the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning (MFDP) two were Vice Presidents. These were Sir Ketumile Masire and Festus Mogae.  The arrangement was in recognition of the critical importance of the MFDP in the socio-economic development of the country. Vice President Peter Mmusi was the Minister of Local Government and Lands an equally important and strategic portfolio aimed at accelerating rural development.  The idea of having Vice Presidents as political heads of powerful ministries added impetus to effective implementation which has since remained a challenge.  It also allowed for a slim Cabinet and financial prudence.

The coming in of Ian Khama in 1998 changed all these. He became Vice President and also Minister of Presidential Affairs and Public Administration (MOPAPA). Khama held the position for a short duration before he was elevated by President Festus Mogae to occupy an extra-constitutional position equivalent of Prime Minister. He was also tasked to oversee implementation of public infrastructural development. It was a dismal failure as public infrastructure development continued to be poorly implemented resulting in huge cost over-runs. Even those who called him the Messiah were aware of his shortcomings.  Unfortunately in recent years mediocrity has replaced merit. Hence Khama was rewarded as he became the third president of the Republic of Botswana, thanks to the automatic succession dispensation.

This brings us to the current Vice President Mokgweetsi Masisi.  Prior to the 2014 general elections Masisi was the Minister of Presidential Affairs and Public Administration (MOPAPA) also responsible for poverty alleviation, or shall we say Minister for Backyard Garden and JOJOS. Later his focus changed from fighting poverty to eradicating abject poverty – lehuma la nta ya tlhogo. Like Ian Khama before him he failed dismally as well. The nation is still waiting for his final report on that noble mission of fighting poverty or poverty eradication.  Before he fully accounted for his dismal failure he was elevated to the position of Vice President without portfolio responsibility after the 2014 general elections. This was shocking but not surprising given the entrenched culture of sloppiness.

President Khama later assigned Masisi to oversee job creation. Having had an opportunity to debate Masisi during the 2014 general elections campaigns and observed him execute the botched backyard garden project it became clear in mind that it was going to be a toll order for Masisi to deliver on his assigned task. He has a tendency of treating complex issues in an amazingly simplistic manner. To describe him as someone who is never serious is an underestimation. I don’t want to describe him has a joke since I respect the position he holds.  At the time he was assigned the responsibility of overseeing job creation I wrote that the move was meant to discredit him. His detractors had set him up to fail in anticipation of the fears succession battles. Having earned himself the title of chief strategist it is possible that Khama could be part of a well-crafted strategy to finish off Masisi and elevate Tshekedi  Khama, who is his brother and Minister of Environment, Wildlife and Tourism. The enemies of the Vice President were well aware of what was in store for him. His irrational hungry for power blinded him and he fell into an open trap.

The Vice President gladly accepted the task but failed to develop a road map. There were no targets in respect of the number, the type of jobs to be created, and timelines. It was clear that the mission was stillborn.  The ambitious initiative was consistent with the promises made during the 2014 general elections campaigns and adopted by government has demonstrated by official  billboards carrying the message “To make Job creation our number one priority.”

Post 2014 elections Botswana experienced unprecedented job losses especially in the mining sector. This culminated into a national disaster of monumental proportions when the BCL the lifeline of Selibe Phikwe Town was placed under provisional liquidation. The net job losses far exceeded jobs created under the watchful eye of Vice President Masisi.  If reports coming from Lerala are anything to go by then job losses are likely to continue in this sector including the poorly managed parastatal bodies. The country is clearly sitting on a time bomb. If government fail to protect existing jobs how can they be expected to create gainful employment for the restless unemployed young people. Out of desperation they want to mislead Batswana into believing that Ipelegeng is meant to create jobs even though it was conceptualized and designed to be a temporary economic stress relief. It is not a poverty alleviation program either.  As Assistant Philip Makgalemela recently lectured to residents of Sefhare-Ramokgonami an increase in the demands for Ipelegeng is undesirable.  The argument is that if a good number of jobs were created coupled with a significant up-take of Mananeo there will be no need for Ipelegeng.

It now appears the Vice President has been deployed to be Chief Recruitment Officer for the ruling party. The public resources allocation to the office of Vice President and the prestige that goes with State House 2 are now at the disposal of the ruling party.  A first time visitor to Botswana cannot be blamed for thinking that Botswana is a one party state led by Mokgweetsi Masisi.  A close scrutiny of his mission clearly shows someone who is recruiting new members for himself not for the party of which he is the Chairperson. In former Botswana Congress Party (BCP) recruits he found a desperate group of individuals that is willing to build the Masisi’s empire and die for him.

Based on the above it is clear that Vice President Masisi has failed on key assignments he has been tasked with from backyard gardens to job creation. Unfortunately Khama knows very well that he is not qualified to hold Masisi to account since he also failed in previous assignments. Under the circumstances it is upon parliament to demand accountability from the VP.  One wonders how he can succeed as President when he failed to demonstrate his capability when given a less demanding function.  You cannot blame the growing voices against his assumption of the highest office and the unprecedented challenges to his claim. Masisi is not confident about his claim to the throne either, hence he frequently reminds all and sundry that he is the heir apparent come what may – KE YA SEKOTAMA. Many in the BDP believe if Masisi successfully ascend to the top position the sun will rise from the west and set in the east.

 Kesitegile Gobotswang (PhD) is the Deputy Leader, BCP

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DIS Parley Committee selection disingenuous 

25th November 2020

Intelligence and Security Service Act, which is a law that establishes the Directorate of Intelligence and Security Service (DIS), provides for establishment of a Parliamentary Committee. Recently, the President announced nine names of Members of Parliament he had appointed to the Committee.

This announcement was preceded by a meeting the President held with the Speaker and the Leader of Opposition. Following the announcement of Committee MPs by the President, the opposition, through its leader, made it clear that it will not participate in the Committee unless certain conditions that would ensure effective oversight are met. The opposition acted on the non-participation threat through resignation of its three MPs from the Committee.

The Act at Section 38 provides for the establishment of the Committee to examine the expenditure, administration and policy of the Directorate. The law provides that the Parliamentary Committee shall have the same powers and privileges set out under the National Assembly (Powers and Privileges) Act.

On composition, the Committee shall consist of nine members who shall not be members of Cabinet and its quorum shall be five members.  The MPs in the Committee elect a chairperson from among their number at their first meeting.

The Members of the Committee are appointed by the President after consultation with the Speaker of the National Assembly and Leader of the Opposition in the National Assembly. It is the provision of the law that the Committee, relative to its size, reflect the numerical strengths of the political parties represented in the National Assembly.

The Act provides that that a member of the Committee holds office for the duration of the Parliament in which he or she is appointed.  The Committee is mandated to make an annual report on the discharge of their functions to the President and may at any time report to him or her on any matter relating to the discharge of those functions.

The Minister responsible for intelligence and security is obliged to lay before the National Assembly a copy of each annual report made by the Committee together with a statement as to whether any matter has been excluded from that copy in pursuance of the provision of the Act.

If it appears to the Minister, after consultation with the Parliamentary Committee, that the publication of any matter in a report would be prejudicial to the continued discharge of the functions of the Directorate, the Minister may exclude that matter from the copy of the report as laid before the National Assembly.

So, what are the specific demands of the Opposition and why are they not participating in the Committee? What should happen as a way forward? The Opposition demanded that there be a forensic audit of the Directorate. The DIS has never been audited since it was set up in 2008, more than a decade ago.

The institution has been a law unto itself for a longtime, feared by all oversight bodies. The Auditor General, who had no security of tenure, could not audit the DIS. The Directorate’s personnel, especially at a high level, have been implicated in corruption.  Some of its operatives are in courts of law defending corruption charges preferred against them. Some of the corruption cases which appeared in the media have not made it to the courts.

The DIS has been accused of non-accountability and unethical practices as well as of being a burden on the fiscus.  So, the Opposition demanded, from the President, a forensic audit for the purpose of cleaning up the DIS.  They demand a start from a clean slate.

The second demand by the Opposition is that the law be reviewed to ensure greater accountability of the DIS to Parliament. What are some of the issues that the opposition think should be reviewed? The contention is that the executive cannot appoint a Committee of Parliament to scrutinize an executive institution.

Already, it is argued, Parliament is less independent and it is dominated by the executive. It is contended that the Committee should be established by the Standing Orders and be appointed by a Select Committee of Parliament. There is also an argument that the Committee should report to Parliament and not to the President and that the Minister should not have any role in the Committee.

Democratic and Parliamentary oversight of the intelligence is relatively a new phenomenon across the World. Even developed democracies are still grappling with some of these issues. However, there are acceptable standards or what might be called international best practices which have evolved over the past two or so decades.

In the UK for instance, MPs of the Intelligence and Security Committee are appointed by the Houses of Parliament, having been nominated by the Prime Minister in consultation with the Leader of the Opposition. This is a good balancing exercise of involvement of both the executive and the legislature. Consultation is taken for granted in Botswana context in the sense that it has been reduced to just informing the Leader of Opposition without much regard to his or her ideas; they are never taken seriously.

Furthermore, the current Committee in the UK has four Members of the ruling party and five MPs from the opposition. It is a fairly balanced Committee in terms of Parliamentary representation. However, as said above, the President of Botswana appointed six ruling party MPs and three from the opposition.

The imbalance is preposterous and more pronounced with clear intentions of getting the executive way through the ruling party representatives in the Committee. The intention to avoid scrutiny is clear from the numbers of the ruling party MPs in the Committee.

There is also an international standard of removing sensitive parts which may harm national security from the report before it is tabled in the legislature. The previous and current reluctance of the executive arms to open up on Defence and Security matters emanate from this very reason of preserving and protecting national security.

But national security should be balanced with public interest and other democratic principles. The decision to expunge certain information which may be prejudicial to national security should not be an arbitrary and exclusive decision of the executive but a collective decision of a well fairly balanced Committee in consultation with the Speaker and the minister responsible.

There is no doubt that the DIS has been a rogue institution. The reluctance by the President to commit to democratic-parliamentary oversight reforms presupposes a lack of commitment to democratization. The President has no interest in seeing a reformed DIS with effective oversight of the agency.

He is insincere. This is because the President loathes the idea losing an iota of power and sharing it with any other democratic institution. He sees the agency as his power lever to sustain his stay in the high office. He thought he could sanitize himself with an ineffective DIS Committee that would dance to his tune.

The non-participation of the opposition MPs renders the Committee dysfunctional; it cannot function as this would be unlawful. Participation of the opposition is a legal requirement. Even if it can meet, it would lack legitimacy; it cannot be taken seriously. The President should therefore act on the oversight demands and reform the DIS if he is to be taken seriously.

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The Maccabean Uprising

25th November 2020
Jewish freedom fighters

 Jews drive away occupying power under the command of guerrilla leader Judas Maccabees but only just

Although it was the Desolation Sacrilege act, General Atiku, that officially sparked the Maccabean revolt, it in truth simply stoked the fires of an already simmering revolution. How so General?

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Atomic (CON)Fusion

25th November 2020

For years I have trained people about paradigm shifts – those light-bulb-switch-on moments – where there is a seismic change from the usual way of thinking about something to a newer, better way. 

I like to refer to them as ‘aha’ moments because of the sudden understanding of something which was previously incomprehensible. However,  the topic of today’s article is the complete antithesis of ‘aha’.  Though I’d love to tell you I’d had a ‘eureka ‘, ‘problem solved’ moment, I am faced with the complete opposite – an ‘oh-no’ moment or Lost Leader Syndrome.

No matter how well prepared or capable a leader is. they often find themselves facing perplexing events, confounding information, or puzzling situations. Confused by developments of which they can’t make sense and by challenges that they don’t know how to solve they become confused, sometimes lost and completely clueless about what to do.

I am told by Jentz and Murphy (JM) in ‘What leaders do when they don’t know what to do’ that this is normal, and that rapid change is making confusion a defining feature of management in the 21st century.  Now doesn’t that sound like the story of 2020 summed up in a single sentence?

The basic premise of their writing is that “confusion is not a weakness to be ashamed of but a regular and inevitable condition of leadership. By learning to embrace their confusion, managers are able to set in motion a constructive process for addressing baffling issues.

In fact, confusion turns out to be a fruitful environment in which the best managers thrive by using the instability around them to open up better lines of communication, test their old assumptions and values against changing realities, and develop more creative approaches to problem solving.”

The problem with this ideology however is that it doesn’t help my overwhelming feelings of fear and panic which is exacerbated by a tape playing on a loop in my head saying  ‘you’re supposed to know what to do, do something’. My angst is compounded by annoying motivational phrases also unhelpfully playing in my head like.

  • Nothing happens until something moves
  • The secret of getting ahead is getting started


  • Act or be acted upon

All these platitudes are urging me to pull something out of the bag, but I know that this is a trap. This need to forge ahead is nothing but a coping mechanism and disguise. Instead of owning the fact that I haven’t got a foggy about what to do, part of me worries that I’ll lose authority if I acknowledge that I can’t provide direction – I’m supposed to know the answers, I’m the MD!  This feeling of not being in control is common for managers in ‘oh no’ situations and as a result they often start reflexively and unilaterally attempting to impose quick fixes to restore equilibrium because, lets be honest, sometimes we find it hard to resist hiding our confusion.

To admit that I am lost in an “Oh, No!” moment opens the door not only to the fear of losing authority but also to a plethora of other troubling emotions and thoughts:  *Shame and loss of face: “You’ll look like a fool!” * Panic and loss of control: “You’ve let this get out of hand!” * Incompetence and incapacitation: “You don’t know what you’re doing!”

As if by saying “I’m at a loss here” is tantamount to declaring “I am not fit to lead.” Of course the real problem for me and any other leader is if they don’t admit when they are disoriented, it sends a signal to others in the organisation stating it’s not cool to be lost and that, by its very nature encourages them to hide.  What’s the saying about ‘a real man never asks for direction. they end up driving around in circles’.

As managers we need to embrace the confusion, show vulnerability (remember that’s not a bad word) and accept that leadership is not about pretending to have all the answers but about having the courage to search with others to discover a solution.

JM point out that “being confused, however, does not mean being incapacitated.  Indeed, one of the most liberating truths of leadership is that confusion is not quicksand from which to escape but rather the potter’s clay of leadership – the very stuff with which managers can work.”

2020 has certainly been a year to remember and all indications are that the confusion which has characterised this year will still follow us into the New Year, thereby making confusion a defining characteristic of the new normal and how managers need to manage. Our competence as leaders will then surely be measured not only by ‘what I know’ but increasingly by ‘how I behave when I accept, I don’t know, lose my sense of direction and become confused.

.I guess the message for all organizational cultures going forward is that sticking with the belief that we need all-knowing, omni-competent executives will cost them dearly and send a message to managers that it is better to hide their confusion than to address it openly and constructively.

Take comfort in these wise words ‘Confusion is a word we have invented for an order not yet understood’!

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