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BDP evolution: for better or for worse?

Since the beginning of the 1990s, the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) has been synonymous with one thing — factionalism. The unrelenting factions have seen the party suffering two major splits in the last decade. As the party heads for its first elective congress under the guidance of President Mokgweetsi Masisi, staff writer ALFRED MASOKOLA studies the evolution of the ruling party.

Between 1962 when BDP was formed until 2007, a period of 45 years, BDP had two Secretary Generals; Sir Ketumile Masire and Daniel Kwelagobe. However, ever since Kwelagobe left the position, the party changed Secretary Generals six times in just under a decade. The evolution does not end there; it has many facets key among them the elections of party Members of Parliament, a development which has seen the party’s MPs re-election rate falling dramatically in the last three general elections.  

There are many schools of thought explaining the party evolution. Some believe that the evolution was inevitable, but an ardent debate remains on whether the change has been for better or for worse. BDP started experiencing factions beginning of the 1990s, primarily because of an investigation carried out by government through a commission of inquiry— and its resultant findings. The findings led to the resignation of then Vice President Peter Mmusi from his position, a development that polarised the party forever.

At the centre of the factional wars in the 1990s and early 2000s was the battle between Kwelagobe and Mompati Merafhe, mainly over the control of the party and succession plans. Despite Lt Gen Ian Khama being brought to the party in 1998, specifically for the purpose of uniting the party, BDP split for the first time barely two years after he became party leader. The first split resulted in the formation of the Botswana Movement for Democracy (BMD) under the leadership of the late Gomolemo Motswaledi.

Motswaledi fell-out with Khama in the build to the 2009 Kanye Congress, where his faction, Barataphathi, supported among others Kwelagobe defeated A-Team, which enjoyed the backing of Khama. Owing to the fragile relationship between the two factions, Motswaledi was suspended from the party, barely two months after his faction won all but one Central Committee (CC) positions in Kanye.

The suspension of Motswaledi set in motion the events that led to BDP’s first split since formation, an occurrence which in the past was synonymous with opposition parties. BMD became an important founding member of the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC), which has been threatening BDP’s hold on power since then. A year after Khama left the leadership, the party also suffered a second split, and again Khama was at the centre of the debacle.

A fallout between Khama and his successor, President Mokgweetsi Masisi over the ‘gentleman’ agreement that they had, saw Khama and a legion of supporters, including the disgruntled primary elections losers leaving the party. A splinter party, Botswana Patriotic Front (BPF) was formed, a development which saw BDP for the first time losing its traditional base in the Central District, its long-time stranglehold.

Ever since the 1990s, BDP never recovered, and it has become a party associated with factionalism. The problems however now go beyond factions, as there are new problems threatening the future of the party. BDP had to go through reforms since 1990s, the major ones being the 1997 constitutional review which resulted in the introduction of 10 year limit for presidential term; reducing voting age from 21 to 18; and establishment of Independent Electoral Commission (IEC).

At party level, the 1995 constitutional review made it explicit that party President shall be elected at party congress every election year. This provision however was never exercised, both during President Festus Mogae and Ian Khama’s terms but chickens came home to roost after Masisi became President. In a historic moment, Pelonomi Venson-Moitoi, a Cabinet Minister in Masisi’s administration announced her intention to challenge the latter for the throne. The battle for leadership was tense, and played a key role in the formation of BPF, after Venson-Moitoi pulled-out of the race at the eleventh hour.

But one of the problems facing one of the longest governing parties in world, is the inevitable evolution that brought among other things reforms and money. Money is today the most important tool in the fight for BDP control, a trend which is tearing the party asunder, perhaps in the manner that is bellicose than just factionalism. In 2003, BDP replaced its old system of selecting MPs and council representative through a Committee of 18, with a new system of Bulela Ditswe, where the party members were enfranchised to participate in the process.

Popular hardworking and loyal activists were always assured of a berth in Parliament or Council if they participated. Central Committee position was the preserve of thoroughbred members who understood the party and its tradition. The new developments have left many frustrated. No matter how popular they are, they know without the financial muscle they will remain in the periphery as the monied buy their way into power. These developments remain an errant bode, and to most, it is an irreversible trend.

“How can money politics be a positive development? It rules out vast majority of dedicated hard working activists from occupying certain political offices,” said a former BDP Central Committee member. “It starts at primaries. When you look at many people who won primary elections, they are new in the party but won because of money. If they had presented other credentials than money they would have been outcompeted by long servers who know the party better.”

In the 12th Parliament, there were less than 10 returning MPs, majority of them being a new crop of MPs. In the past the party had a high re-election rate but since the advent of Bulela Ditswe the re-election rate has been on a drastic decline. Ever since 2007, when Kwelagobe retired from the Secretary General position which he held for 27 years, the party has been chopping and changing Secretary Generals. The trend has been affecting other Central Committee positions.

The Central Committee is currently made up of fairly new entrants, the only veteran being party treasurer, Satar Dada, who has held the position since 1995. Masisi, the party leader became part of the Central Committee in 2015, a year after being appointed Vice President, meanwhile his understudy, Slumber Tsogwane only tasted Central Committee in 2017 despite being the longest serving party MP.

Since 2007, BDP has had six Secretary Generals; Jacob Nkate, Gomolemo Motswaledi, Thato Kwerepe, Kentse Rammidi, Mpho Balopi and Botsalo Ntuane. “But it is an irreversible trend. Money now buys office. Those without money are being reduced to voting fodder for the monied. They are second class members who will never compete for big positions until they also have money to buy votes and build networks,” said the former Central Committee member who also served as MP at some point.

“Bulela Ditswe also placed lots of demands on candidates by voters who ordinarily would not participate in party activities. They had to be fed, transported and it is becoming common for them to be paid in exchange for their vote. It is also common for opposition supporters to be recruited to vote in bulela ditswe with full knowledge of both transacting parties.”

BDP is preparing for its first elective congress under the leadership of Masisi. The party, for the first time since formation, postponed its elective congress in order to nurse its fragile state while preparing for its most crucial elections in its history. Already there are indications that party members have grown disgruntled with the party Secretary General and his position is the most sought after as the party heads to July’s elections.

Unlike previous elections there are little fears that the party may split, but the party is charting into new territory. As new blood takes centre stage, most of the party’s traditions will be surrendered, and largely unconsciously. When Khama announced his departure from the party in 2019, it also presented a new chapter in the party’s history. It was the end of the Khama dynasty, a family which has been part of the party fabric since formation.

The 2019 general elections also provided new dynamics: BDP is no longer a party of Central District. In fact, it is charting new territory. BDP survived 2019 general elections, largely on account of urban and peri-urban vote in the southern part of Botswana.  Whether that will sustain the party in power remains to be seen.

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Details emerge in suspected Batswana poachers in Namibia

28th June 2022
suspected Motswana poacher arrested

New details about a suspected Motswana poacher arrested in Namibian and his accomplice who is on the run were revealed when the suspect appeared in court this week.

The Motswana Citizen who was shot and wounded by Namibia’s anti poaching unit is facing criminal charges under criminal case number (CR NO 10/06/2022) which was registered at the Divundu Police Station in the Mukwe constituency of the Kavango East Region on 10 June 2022.

It is alleged that a patrol team laid an ambush after discovering a giraffe’s fresh carcass in a snare wire and hanging biltong.  According to the Charge Sheet, the suspect Djeke Dihutu, aged 40 years, is charged with contravening and transgressions of Nature Conservation Ordinance andcontravening Immigration Act 07 in Mahango Wildlife Core Area, Bwabwata National Park. Dihutu’s first court appearance was on the 17th of June 2022, Rundu and it was postponed to the 07 July 2022. He is currently hospitalized in hospital under Police Guards.

Commenting on this latest development, the Namibian Lives Matter Movement National Chairperson Sinvula Mudabeti applauded the Namibian Anti Poaching Unit for its compliance with what it called the universal instrument on the Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials adopted by the United Nations General Assembly resolution 34/169.

“We are aware that the duties of the police carry a great deal of risk, but our police has shown that they have a moral calling and obligation to protect even foreigners suspected of serious crimes on Namibian soil,” said Mudabeti.

According to him, whereas the Botswana Police Service, the Botswana Defence Force (BDF) and Directorate of Intelligence Service (DIS) have “very low moral ethics, integrity, accountability and honesty, the Namibian security agencies has shown very high levels of ethical leadership in the discharge of their duties even under duress.”

He said Namibian’s anti poaching unit has exercised one very important value, that is, the use of force only when it is reasonable and necessary. Mudabeti said this is in harmony with international best practices as enshrined in Article 2 of the UN instrument on law enforcement conduct, “In the performance of their duty, law enforcement officials shall respect and protect human dignity and maintain and uphold the human rights of all persons.

Our police have protected the life of a Botswana poacher and accorded him dignity, which is very foreign to our Botswana counterparts,” he said. He said article 3 of the same instrument above, calls for Law enforcement officials to use force only when strictly necessary and to the extent required for the performance of their duty.

“This provision emphasizes that the use of force by law enforcement officials should be exceptional; while it implies that law enforcement officials may be authorized to use force as is reasonably necessary under the circumstances for the prevention of crime or in effecting or assisting in the lawful arrest of suspected offenders, no force going beyond that was used by our Police,” he said.

Furthermore, Mudabeti said, whereas the universally accepted norm of the law of proportionality ordinarily permits the use of force by law enforcement, it is to be understood that such principles of proportionality in no case should be interpreted to authorize the use of force which is disproportionate to the legitimate objective to be achieved.

“Our police have used force proportional to the situation at hand. Great work indeed! Article 6 urges law enforcement officials to ensure the full protection of the health of persons in their custody and, in particular, shall take immediate action to secure medical attention whenever required,” he said.

Mudabeti said the Botswana poacher was immediately taken to hospital whereas the Nchindo brothers who were captured on Namibian soil, beaten, tortured and executed while pleading to be taken to the hospital we left to die.

“The Namibian Doctor gave evidence in court that Sinvula Munyeme’s lungs showed signs of life (during the autopsy) and that he could have survived if he was accorded immediate medical assistance in time but was left to die while BDF soldiers looked and possibly ignored his cry for help,” he said.

Mudabeti said unlike in Botswana where there are no clear separation of powers between the BDF, Botswana Police Service, Department of Intelligence and their Directorate of Public Prosecutions,” we have a system that allows for checks and balances and allows our people and foreigners who are found on the wrong side of the law to be accorded the right to a fair trial.”

He said Botswana citizens are treated with dignity when apprehended in Namibia and not assaulted, tortured and executed. “We are a civilized country that respects international law in dealing with non-Namibian criminals. The Namibian Police have not mistreated the Botswana poacher but have given him the benefit of the doubt by allowing due processes of the law to be followed,” he said.

He added that, “We are a peace loving nation that has not repaid Botswana by the evil that Botswana has done to Namibia by killing more than 37 innocent and unarmed Namibians by the trigger happy BDF.” He concluded that, “Our acts of mercy in arresting Botswana citizens should never be mistaken for cowardice.”

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Gov’t, Unions clash over accommodation

28th June 2022

The government has reportedly taken a decision to terminate provision of pool housing and subsidy for civil servants as it attempts to trim the public service wage bill.

This emerges in a dispute that is currently before the Labour Office headquarters lodged by unions representing thousands of civil servants across the country. This publication understands that the decision to cease providing pool housing and rental subsidy for public officers is part of proposals that government put on the table during its negotiations with public service unions in order for it to adjust salaries.

A letter from Labour Office addressed to the Directorate of Public Service Management (DPSM) shows that the directorate is cited as the First Respondent. The letter is titled, “Dispute lodged: Cessation of provision of pool housing and subsidy for pubic officers.”

“This serves as a notification and requirement to a mediation hearing,” the letter informed DPSM. According to the letter, the Botswana Teachers Union (BTU), Botswana Sectors of Educators Trade Unions (BOSETU) Botswana Nurses Union (BONU) and Botswana Land Board &Local Authorities &Health workers Union (BLLAHW) who lodged the complaint are cited as the Applicant.

“Please come for mediation hearing. The hearing will be conducted by Mr Lebang. The hearing is scheduled for date/time 29th June 2022, 09: 00HOURS at Block 8 District Labour Office, Gaborone. Please bring all relevant documents,” reads the letter in part.

According to a document described as a proposal paper on the negotiations on salaries and other conditions of employment of public officers by the employer (government), the government did not only propose to stop providing accommodation to civil servants but also put a number of proposals on the table.

The proposal papers states that the negotiations (which have since been concluded) cover three government financial years; 2022/23, 2023/24 and 2024/25. The government proposed an across the board salary adjustments as follows; 3% for the financial year 2022/23 effective 1st April 2022, across the board salary adjustment of 3.5% for the financial year 2023/24 effective 1st April 2023 subject to performance of the economy and across the board salary adjustment of 4% for the financial year 2024/25 effective 1st April 2024 subject to performance of the economy.

The government also proposed phasing out of retention and attractive (Scarce Skills) Allowance with a view to migration towards clean pay, renegotiate and set new timelines for all outstanding issues contained in the Collective Labour Agreement, executed by the employer and trade unions on the 27th August 2019, to ensure proper sequencing, alignment and proper implementation.
The government also proposed to freeze public service recruitment for the 2022/23 financial year and withdraw the financial equivalence of P500 million attached to vacancies from Ministries, Department and Agencies (MDAs).

Another proposal included phasing out of commuted overtime allowance and payment of overtime in accordance with the law and review human resource policies during the financial year 2022/23, 2023/24 and 2024/25.

The government argued that its proposals were premised on affordability and sustainability adding that it was important to underscore that the review of salaries and conditions of service for public officers was taking place at a time when there were uncertainties both in the global and domestic economies.

“Furthermore there is need to ensure that any collective labour agreement that is concluded does not breach the fiscal deficit target of 4% of GDP,” the proposal paper stated. The proposal paper further indicated that beyond salary adjustments, the Government of Botswana is of the view that a more comprehensive consideration “must be taken on the issue of remuneration in the public service by embracing principles such as total rewards compensation which involves taking a fully comprehensive and holistic approach to how our organization compensates employees for the work.”

The proposal paper also noted that, “Clearly, the increase in salaries and changes to other conditions of service which have monetary consequences will further increase the proportion of the budget taken by salaries, allowances and other monetary based conditions of services.”

“The consequential effect would be a reduction of the portion that can be used for other recurrent budget needs (e.g. maintenance of assets, consumable supplies such as medicines and books) and for development projects,” the proposal states.

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BPF NEC probes Serowe squabbles

28th June 2022

Opposition Botswana Patriotic Front (BPF) National Executive Committee will in no time investigate charges party members worked with the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) membership to tip the scales in favour of the latter for Serowe Sub-council Chairmanship in exchange for deputy seat in a dramatic 11th hour gentleman’s deal, leaving the ruling party splinter under the political microscope.

In a spectacular Sub-council election membership last Thursday, the ruling BDP’s Lesedi Phuthego beat Atamelang Thaga with 14 votes to 12 for Serowe Sub-council Chairmanship coveted seat and subsequently the ruling party’s councilor Bernard Kenosi withdrew his candidacy in the final hour for the equally admired deputy chair paving the way for Solomon Dikgang of BPF, seen as long sealed ‘I scratch your back and you scratch mine’ gentleman’s agreement between the contenders.

Both parties entered the race with a tie of votes torn between 12 councillors each, translating for election race that will go down to the wire definitely. But that will not be the case as two BPF councilors shifted their allegiance to the ruling party during the first race for Chairmanship held in a secret ballot and no sooner was the election concluded then the ruling party answered back by withdrawing its candidacy for the deputy chair position to give BPF’s Dikgang the post on a silver platter unopposed.

BPF councilor Vuyo Notha confirmed the incident in an interview on Wednesday, insisting the party NEC was determined to “investigate the matter soon”. “During the race for the Chairmanship, two more BPF voted for alongside the ruling party membership. It was clear Dikgang voted alongside the BDP as immediately after the vote for Chairmanship was concluded, Kenosi withdraw his candidacy to render Dikgang unopposed as a payback,” Notha added.

As for the other vote, Makolo ward councilor will not be drawn for the identity preferring instead to say: “BPF NEC will convene all the councilors to investigate the matter soon and we will take from there.” Notha will also not be drawn to conclude may be the culprit councilors could have defected to the ruling party silently.

“If they are no longer part of us they should say so and a by-election be called,” was all he could say. As it stands now, the law forbids sitting Councilors and Parliamentarians from crossing the floor to another party as to do so will immediately invite for a new election as dictated by the law. Incumbent politicians will therefore dare not venture for the unknown with a by-election that could definitely cost their political life and certainly their full benefits.

Notha could also not be dragged to link the culprit councilors actions to BPF Serowe region Chairperson Tebo Thokweng who has silently defected to the ruling party and currently employed by the party businessman and former candidate for Serowe West Moemedi Dijeng as PRO for the highly anticipated cattle abattoir project in Serowe.

“As for Thokweng he has not resigned from the party but from the region’s chairmanship,” he said. WeekendPost investigations suggest Thokweng is the secret snipper behind the recruitment drive of the votes for the elections and is determined to tear the party dominance in Serowe and the neighbouring villages asunder including in Palapye going forward.

This publication’s investigations also show BPF’s Radisele and UDC’s Mokgware/Mogome councilors are under the radar of investigations for the votes-themselves associated with the workings and operations of Thokweng.

“NEC will definitely leave no stone unturned with their investigations to get into the bottom of the matter. Disciplinary actions will follow certainly,” Notha concluded, underscoring the need to toe the party line to set a good precedent. For the youthful councilor, the actions of his peers has set a wrong precedent which has to be dealt with seriously to deter future culprits.

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