In the wake of media reports that have all but confused the names the late Harry Tembo and myself Liver Tembo on the construction of Isaac Kgosi’s house in Phakalane, I seek to set the record straight.
I am Liver Tembo and first met Isaac Kgosi at my office in Broadhurst nine years ago. I did not even know who he was then. One Friday afternoon, I received a call from the man who introduced himself by name only. He explained to me that he was looking for a Project Manager to assist him develop his property in Phakalane.
He had been advised by some of my clients that I managed a number of houses under a direct project management scheme I was operating. I explained to him the services we were offering and the fees that would be charged.
At the time, I did not know I was talking to a powerful man who was working in the office of the Vice President as his Private Secretary. Not at any time during our telephone conversation did he mention the office he held.
I requested him to come to my office for further discussion.He expressed satisfaction with the charge and said he would come that evening to my office with his drawings for further discussion.
He arrived at my office in Broadhurst around 1730hours in a twin cab Isuzu bakkie with his wife. We discussed the project and I advised him that the preliminary cost estimate indicated the project would cost approximately over P1,000,000.00 and he indicated he had no problem as he had already sourced funds from Barclays Bank.
It was only after I asked him what he did for a living that he explained to me that he worked as Private Secretary to the Vice President, who was later to be the President of the country.
Being a foreigner, I realised immediately that I was interacting with the one of the most powerful men in the government. Feeling ashamed because of the charge that I had given him, I then offered him a discounted figure for my services. The man refused and asked me to treat him as I would any other client. The contract agreement was signed the same weekend to allow me to supervise the project and secure a contractor to carry out the works.
He then informed me that he would be leaving the following week for a one year training programme in the UK while his wife would similarly leave for a year’s course in the United States of America. When I asked how the funds disbursement would be made for the project from the bank, he explained to me that he would give me the power of attorney to sign and request payment from the bank in his absence.
Obviously this was a man who trusted me at first sight. The following week he wrote a letter authorizing me to access his funds from the bank and left me with cash of about K200,000.00 to kick start the project. I then engaged a Mr Jere, a fellow Zambian as a contractor under a company called Transcon Pty Limited to undertake the construction under a labour only contract arrangement whilst I collect funds and purchased all the materials for the project as work progressed. Under our terms of agreement, I was to reconcile all the purchases of materials and balance them up in accordance with the funds collected from the bank.
However, by the time he returned from the UK, it was realised that an over claim of P400,000.00 was made upon reconciliation. Upon his return, Isaac Kgosi was appointed head of the DISS, one of the most powerful positions in government. And so there I was having over-claimed funds (which could have been tantamount to fraud) amounting to over P400,000.00 for a house which was far from being completed.
I remember the sleepless nights I had before I could break the news to him regarding my reconciliation report on his funds. The man had spent his hard earned savings and a loan facility which he was already paying monthly at a high interest rate only to find that this Project Manager had not utilised all the money on the project. I did not know what to expect from him, his reaction and what he would do to me if I told him the news.
I am talking of a man who by using his power could probably have influenced the non-renewal of my work permit or have it revoked instantly. I approached him that evening to give him my report, apologising over my over claim. “I knew it before you could tell me, I had done my own assessment and I was able to tell that you had not used all the money on the house,” he told me.
I remember then being nearly in tears as I told him. Being a man of few words, Kgosi simply told me, “It’s ok. I will give you time to pay me back the money but you will have to include the interest the bank has charged me.”
I was in shock. Here is a man whom I owed so much money telling me he would give me time to pay it back. After that, all my fears disappeared for this is a man who despite what I had done still wanted me to be his friend. I remember the following week he asked me to accompany him to Matsiloje, his village, to see his mother. As we discussed, he told me that he knew things had not gone right on his house but he realized that he could not fight a person who had told him he was sorry for what he had done.
Kgosi told me that his father, when he was alive, once told him that he should never take advantage of his high position in government to fight personal battles with people. He told me he was a believer in justice for all and therefore treated every human being equally. Given his background, he explained that he was in a privileged position to serve government at such a high position but that would not go to his head.
I came to know Kgosi as a man you would never find him in a company of a lot of people. He told me that the reason he had few friends was because he did not like to mix with people who simply want to know him in order to take advance of him just because he was close to the President.
I was impressed that the man that most people feared so much was a down to earth person who values people so much. I realized that I had become close to a man whom people fear so much yet he is such a simple man. He would invite me for dinner at his house and sometimes even visit me. A family man who loves gardening, he would spend his weekends with his family at home. I remember sometimes he would stand at the Phakalane round about to assist traffic during peak hours.
It took me over 3 years to pay back his money and at no time did he put me under any pressure. By that time, due to interest charges, it was more than P600,000.00. I cannot quite remember if I had even finished paying back the money when I told him I would be spending more time in Zambia. Yet he did not on any occasion put me under any pressure.
It struck me how noble the character was of a man who knew very well that my house in Phakalane was fully paid and that I was driving a top of the range Mercedes Benz ML350 car I had bought during the time his house was under construction. He could so easily have accused me of using some of his money to acquire this or sued me, demanding that I sell the house for him to recover his money. He did neither.
In the event, the construction of his house was delayed and he had to seek additional funds from the bank to complete the house. The trail of funds being made to Kgosi from me over a period of 3 or 4 years was purely to refund the money that was over-claimed on the construction of his house.
This is the Isaac Kgosi that I know. Since I have been spending more time in Zambia, I have constantly been in touch with him and visit him at his house whenever I am in Botswana. I am not Harry Tembo and have never done any consultancy work or construction work for the DISS. There is no record of L.T and Associates having undertaken any project for the DISS.
From time immemorial the church was seen as a sacred haven for weary souls and those who need rest from worldly aches and pains. This is even written in the Holy Bible; “Come to me, all you who are weary and burdened, and I will give you rest.
Take my yoke upon you and learn from me, for I am gentle and humble in heart, and you will find rest for your souls. For my yoke is easy and my burden is light,” Matthew 11:28-30.
This being said, anyone would be forgiven to think that the first place to run to would be the church. Time has however changed this.
The atrocities perpetrated by the church and their pastors or those who have been called upon to ‘lead the flock’ have not only distorted their mission, they have caused followers immeasurable pains.
Adorned in the finest regalia in church, the so called men of God are nothing but wolf in sheep’s clothing as they lurk in church corners to prey on the innocent and vulnerable in a place where victims thought was their ‘Father’s house’.
Behind every monster are those who clean up after it and in this case, these are church followers who are alive to the inhumane acts caused by the very men of God whom they have put on pedestals. These followers, more often than not are Elders in the church or those in the revered pastor’s inner circles. These followers would, in an attempt to shield their ‘man of God’, portray the victim as a Jezebel, and shield their pastor and the church’s reputation, forsaking the trauma inflicted upon the victim.
The author of ‘Sex on the Alter’, Kaelo McCoffee was inspired to pen down his book after seeing the endless and unreported incidents that occurred within church walls.
“It’s like a play, a drama based on true stories of how “men of God” abuse women sexually, use them and dump them. Not just that, but it addresses how desperate women are for marriage and relationships, resulting in pain. This is covering ill activities happening in the church,” said McCoffee.
“The purpose of this book is to open someone’s eyes, not just ladies, even guys, that church might be seen or recognised as a good place to be, that might be true yes, but people shouldn’t feel comfortable because they are in church. They should be aware of the dangers that can happen to them in church, like I talked about abuse. I wrote this book to bring awareness, mostly to women because they’re the ones always going through such mostly.”
If one is to look at the grabbling GBV cases within Botswana that occur on a daily basis, one would expect the church to intervene. Not this time around, seeing as how the church is marred with such cases.
“I’ve seen young girls being used because they fell in love with the guy in a nice suit, they get deceived by material things, they get lied to, “I’ll marry you” but after sleeping with them, they leave them, young girls end up reporting cases of rape, yet the truth is they were in love, but because the promises weren’t fulfilled there’s always drama. Some get paid to be silent. I won’t mention anyone by names, but this is what has been happening in many churches, hearts are being broken in the name of the “anointed one”. I’m not saying every man of God, I’m talking about things I know of and I’ve heard happening,” he said.
“And to God it’s an abomination to drag His name into sin and claiming to be righteous, if God has promised in His word that His servants will even face more punishment for diverting His people into wrong doings then they deserve to be punished, they’re humans and they are not even doing what they preach. If the men of God in the Bible got punished for such doings what more of these guys who mess with our sisters.”
In an Interview with WeekendPost, the founder of Epistle of Power International Church (EPIC), Duncan Katse confirmed with this publication that these devious acts are very much present within churches and orchestrated by the so called ‘pastors’.
“It is true and one thing that makes it true is that we have got a lot of pastors who are not really trained in the area of becoming a pastor and there was no discipline instilled. Young ladies also trust their pastors and spiritual mentors with their all; their lives, their bodies. So when these pastors notice that they are highly regarded they can do anything. If there is no alignment in the mentorship, it is easy for the pastor to manipulate the congregants with spiritual things.”
“Some would say ‘God wants us to have our moment alone’, they will start manufacturing funny prophecies to make the person comfortable to relax with them. Sometimes in private spaces, which becomes very dangerous for a young lady. Not all the ladies who go to church have the intension of sleeping with the man of God. Most women do not report these cases because some judge themselves and are afraid to be accused for falsely accusing the man of God,” said Katse.
How women are raped in church
According to close sources, these so called ‘men of God’, threaten young girls after sleeping with them and that they will be cursed should they decide to speak out. Some will be threatened with the infamous line; ‘touch not my anointed.’
“They use their spiritual and prophetic authority to manipulate these women into raping them. There is also an oil called ‘do as I say’ and most of the girls who became victims will tell you, after being raped, they did not know how the rape occurred. Once they apply that oil, whatever they say you are going to do it whether you like it or not. That is why most of these girls are raped and left sick because most of these men of God are sick. They are sick of HIV/AIDS and STI’s. Before raping these women they prepare them emotionally by taking them out for dinners and they end up raping them.”
Botswana Council of Churches responds
“Sexual violence and abuse has been an enormously painful and common feature of our collective past. No sector of society, churches included, has been immune to the problem of sexual violence. It is horrible. Whenever we have seen sexual violence, it has always been an offence to God, and a shattering of God’s good, redemptive hopes for the human story. Sexual abuse is clearly a shattering of God’s intentions for our humanity,” said Bishop Metlha Beleme from Botswana Council of Churches
“When God’s ways are honoured, there is love, because love – the Scriptures tell us – is the very nature and character of God. When you think about it, sexual violence does all the opposite of 1Corinthians 13:4-7, which talks about love. God wants us to experience love. So, apart from the laws of the land, the Church also has Canon law and the Church court for the trial of such offences as Sexual Immorality.”
Beleme further highlighted that; ‘‘there are other healing processes that follow e.g. forgiveness and reconciliation, counselling. Amongst other things we can confess that Church Leaders and Pastors are sinners too, and must be held accountable,” he said.
Maybe when all is said and done, the long arm of the law will forever elude churches as evidenced by the many cases internationally regarding the Catholic church and the cases of paedophilia and child molestation that have been ongoing for years on end. And very rarely in Botswana do pastors face criminal charges in court for sex offenses and that may also be because very few women come forth for fear of being ostracised by both church and society.
Every five years, a cohort of newly elected Members of Parliament (MPs) gather at parliament buildings to take a symbolic oath to assume new role as rarefied individuals who make Botswana’s laws — as prescribed in the constitution — for the good governance of Botswana. Staff Writer ALFRED MASOKOLA observes an abdication of responsibility that has become a new normal in the business of parliament.
Few days before President Sir Ketumile Masire cleared his desk at Office of the President to end an eventful and successful 18 year presidency, his apparent heir, Festus Mogae was reaching out to opposition legislators in a bid to solicit for support for his choice for Vice President.
Since 1997 constitutional amendments, parliament has been mandated with the responsibility of endorsing the Vice President before assuming office.
Mogae was scheduled to ascend to the highest position in the land in wake of series of events in the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) that made him the only viable candidate. Beleaguered by factions, Mogae could not count on his polarised party.
As many noted, Mogae was relatively a new entrant in the BDP politics. Though he was an accomplished technocrat, he was not a political power horse and was without the charisma that the likes of Daniel Kwelagobe, Ponatshego Kedikilwe and the late Lt General Merafhe had.
Luckily for Mogae, his choice for Vice President was a likeable figure — Lt Gen Ian Khama — and accepted across factional divide, and even more remarkably, by some in opposition ranks. The name was endorsed by all BDP MPs, and the cherry on top; by additional two opposition MPs.
The build-up to this accomplishment however highlighted one major thing that Mogae never took for granted — the legitimate power of MPs.
Even in his presidency, Mogae sought to use parliament caucus for the purpose of achieving consensus rather than imposing his own will. Throughout his presidency, Mogae had to navigate through the hostile factions that kept him on his toes.
In 2003, Mogae in what proved to be naïve, publicly endorsed his Vice President- Khama, in the party chairmanship race against Kedikilwe, the co-leader of what was then known as Kwelagobe/Kedikilwe faction, and later Barataphathi.
Inevitably, Khama won the chairmanship — a development that saw Barataphathi losing control of the Central Committee, for the first time since 1981. With victory in 2003, emerged a rebranded faction called A-Team, led by Merafhe and Jacob Nkate.
The faction will come to dominate both the Central Committee and cabinet after 2004 general elections. Mogae had left out Kwelagobe, Kedikilwe, and GUS Matlhabaphiri out of cabinet after 2004 general elections, inadvertently strengthening the backbench which closed ranks with opposition MPs to subject the executive to scrutiny.
At the height of exercising their power, the backbench blocked and rejected government policies and other pieces of legislation brought before parliament.
By 2006, cabinet found it difficult to pass bills, including the Judges Pension Bill and the crucial intelligence bill which created the DIS in 2007.
Faced with a rigid backbench, Mogae reshuffled his cabinet in 2007 restructuring ministries to accommodate members of rival faction in cabinet. Thereafter, the relationship between cabinet and backbench became cordial.
“I am fully aware that the MPs, both the former ministers, the cabal of some new MPs and the rest of the House, can make and unmake me politically,” Mogae famously said at 2001 BDP Congress in Palapye, as he deliberated on some of the demands brought forward by MPs.
Like anywhere else in democratic dispensations, MPs hold their own and are not pushovers, even in instances where the executive belongs to the same political party that controls the legislative house.
Mogae had accepted that MPs have their own responsibility and that their power was legitimate. Throughout his presidency, his modus operandi was to consult MPs through caucus whenever an important decision was to be made in parliament.
The approach was also the tradition during the presidency of Masire, the founding father of both the BDP and the nation. Masire considered therisanyo paramount prior to any decision making and was described by Mogae during his memorial as, “consultative, collaborative and patient.”
In 2008, things started to change. In recent years, BDP caucus has become increasingly powerful. Unlike in the past, instead of seeking consensus, MPs have been forced to support decisions of the cabinet, even when MPs are not in agreement.
“Caucus has always been there and it is part and parcel of parliament in democracy. Caucus can be flexible depending on leadership. Some issues are allowed conscience debate if caucus cannot reach consensus,” said a high ranking BDP member who served as MP under both Mogae and Khama.
“Mogae was liberal and allowed MPs to use their conscience when there was no consensus. Caucus only became a contentious issue during Khama [Ian] presidency and today.”
In 2011, weeks after civil servants called off strikes that lasted nearly three months, and crippled the economy, then junior minister in the ministry of Local Government, Kentse Rammidi resigned from the cabinet amid a position taken by the party.
In trying to deal with power of civil servants, cabinet brought before parliament a Bill that sought to prevent a number of cadres in the civil service including teachers from participating in industrial action by making them essential service.
Rammidi, who had sympathised with workers during the strike chose to quit the party after BDP caucus forced MPs to support the bill which was to be brought to parliament by then Minister of Labour and Home Affairs, Peter Siele.
The development set had ushered in a new era in the governance of BDP, with the Executive effectively rendering Parliament — which by all intent and purpose is meant to prove checks on it — a rubber stamp.
The BDP caucus effectively derives its mandate from President as the head of executive.
The latest victim of the domineering caucus is Jwaneng-Mabutsane MP, Reggie Reatile.
Two months ago, the maverick MP was slapped with suspension for abstaining instead of voting alongside agreed party caucus positions.
In the build-up to his suspension, Reatile had on numerous occasions voted against the BDP on the Parliament floor. Reatile also abstained when voting was called on the Botswana Defense Force (BDF) Amendment Bill meant to create the position of Judge Advocate General.
Reatile was also the BDP black sheep that voted against Speaker of Parliament, Phandu Skelemani’s decision to suspend Leader of Opposition (LOO) Dumelang Saleshando, from parliament last month.
Prior to Reatile, maverick Ignatius Moswaane, Francistown West legislator, was also suspended. Moswaane has also proved to be a thorn in the flesh of the ruling party as he consistently refused to toe the party line, instead following his conscience.
Moswaane has since resigned from the BDP in favour of Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC).
The insistence on block voting have seen parliament being ultra-polarised, and inadvertently at the expense of the public and good governance.
Despite the country grappled with rising incidence of Gender Based Violence (GBV), the ruling MPs rejected a motion tabled by Mahalapye East MP, Yandani Boko, following a caucus decision.
Boko had tabled a motion on urgency calling for parliament to request President Mokgweetsi Masisi to set-up a Commission of Inquiry on Gender Based Violence (GBV) and other Sexual Offences.
During the BDP caucus, it was agreed that the motion should not be agreed upon, but instead be countered with a suggestion that the duty be referred to an Inter-Ministerial Committee.
Commissions of Inquiry Act empowers the President to set-up a commission and to set its terms of reference.
The motion was however withdrawn by the mover following lack of support from BDP majority.
The rejection of the motion is part of many that have not survived the might of BDP caucus.
In the run-up to 2019 general election, Masisi promised to repeal the infamous Media Practitioners Act passed during his predecessor’s administration. The promise was buttressed in the BDP 2019 election manifesto.
However, when Selibe Phikwe West lawmaker, Dithapelo Keorapetse, brought before parliament the same bill, the ruling party caucus tore it apart. In brief; it was rejected.
The constitution of Botswana, adopted in 1966 following independence, vests legislative powers in parliament. Parliament, through its committees is empowered to provide oversight.
Parliament, indirectly elects the President and also has power to dissolve parliament through a pass of motion of no confidence on government supported by simple majority.
Parliament also approves national spending and also entitled to amend certain provisions of the constitution, save for entrenched provisions.
In giving parliament the legislative duties, the constitution also gives the President the power to ascent to bills passed by parliament or return them to parliament if not satisfied. Nevertheless, if parliament insists on not making any amendments, the President is compelled to ascent to the Bill failing which parliament will lead to the dissolution of parliament, necessitating new elections.
With so much power at its disposal why is parliament abdicating its true responsibility?
The latest edition of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Monitor shows the continuing and devastating impacts of the pandemic on jobs and labour income since early 2020, and the massive disruptions in the labour market that will persist into the fourth quarter of this year.
ILO analysts argue that policymakers will need to maintain support to employment and incomes over the coming months and well into 2021, and to address key challenges.