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The Paris Attacks

TERRORISTS OR  SCAPEGOATS? If what French President Francois Hollande said  is anything to go by, there has to be a huge question mark against these two “Al Qaeda attackers” who are said to have murdered 12 people on that fateful day.

“The Illuminati did it”, bleated François Hollande. Did the French president simply shoot from the lip or he hit the nail squarely on the head? In this two-part instalment, BENSON C SAILI puts the whole saga in context following two weeks of meticulous sleuthing.

Over the span of only three frenzied days that brought the entire globe to a practical standstill, an orgy of killings in the French capital of   Paris laid waste to a total of 20 lives, the deadliest terror attack in the country in nearly 55 years. The body count was not even half-done when names like Islamic Jihadists, ISIS, and Al Qaeda in Yemen – the providential scapegoats – began to be bandied around as the likely culprits by the Western media. This rash inference – call it the Rupert Murdoch line – was  made on the basis that the AK-47 wielding  attackers were chanting the trademark Jihadist kill-chant “Allahu Akbar”, meaning Allah, the Muslim God, was great.


Saleable as it was to the characteristically docile Western audiences, the Rupert Murdoch line did not wash with the French authorities themselves.  In a live, tongue-in-cheek television speech on January 9, only two days after the massacre at Charlie Hebdo, François Hollande, the French President, said “the Illuminati were behind the shootings” in what he termed “a terrorist attack of the most extreme barbarity”.

In the mainstream Western media, “Illuminati” is a forbidden word. Resultantly, none of the huge-circulation print media as well as their  electronic counterpart in Europe and across the Atlantic quoted  Hollande verbatim. I was glued to Sky TV myself as a glum Hollande rendered his keening speech and I can wager you even the translator himself never used the word “Illuminati” once.


According to blogosphere translations of portions of Hollande’s speech, his exact words were, "Those who committed these acts; these terrorists, these ‘illuminated ones’, these fanatics; have nothing to do with the Muslim religion”. True, the term “Illumines” in French can also refer to “delusional people” but a rhetorical devise of the Illuminati is that they use double-speak, with one meaning intended for their ilk and another intended as a mass blindfold.


Hollande would never have been president if he was not Illuminati. It is telling, therefore, that he seemed redolent with rage at his own bedfellows for so blatantly setting upon his country. The  “Illumines” allusion was clearly a coded dig at the very monstrous order to which he belonged, a megaphone remonstration at a most egregious act of foul play. Paraphrased, what Hollande was saying was that Moslems had nothing to do with the atrocity: the terrorists were the Illuminati. Certainly, the concourse  of leaders who showed up for the “unity march” were not there as a gesture of solidarity, many of them anyway: they came to toast to the sacrifice and harvest first-hand the enormous haul of negative emotional energy on which they thrive. The unity march was a triumphant  march. To just give one example of how despicable some of these rascals we call presidents or prime ministers are,  Bibi Netanyahu, who was conspicuous by his presence, was just fresh from erasing 2310 men, women, and children from the face of the earth in the 2014 summer offensive on the Gaza  strip.


If Hollande was effectively flashing the middle-finger at the Illuminati for the crass barbarity wrought upon his people, exactly how did he know it was them? What forms did the Illuminati fingerprints take in the crime trail?


CHARLIE’S CASE OF CHEERS AND JEERS
First, let us familiarise ourselves with the ill-starred publication.   Charlie Hebdo is French for “Charlie Weekly”. The essential thrust of the magazine is satirical, meaning it employs humour, irony, caricature, exaggeration, or outright ridicule to expose and lampoon institutional ills or peccadilloes, particularly in the context of contemporary politics and other topical issues. It features cartoons, polemics, and jokes in the main, although it does carry a modicum of incendiary news items. It has been characterised as “irreverent and stridently non-conformist in tone, strongly secularist, anti-religious, and left-wing, and publishes articles that mock far-right politics, Catholicism, Islam, Judaism, Israel, politics, culture, and various other groups as local and world news unfolds”. In other words, it has a provocative, bare-knuckle approach which knows no sacred cows. Its circulation has ranged from 45,000 to 60,000 copies per print run, about a tenth of what the country’s popular news weeklies typically sell.


Founded in 1960 as a monthly, the magazine has a chequered and tumultuous history, with several incarnations between and betwixt. From 1961 to 1970, it was banned three times by the French government, one transgression of which was its mockery of the demise of iconic president General Charles De Gaulle. The slur on De Gaulle brought about its permanent ban though it promptly sprang to life again under a new guise, the very name it goes by today. In December 1981, it ceased to exist altogether, only to resurface twelve years later. It has been the subject of several lawsuits though it only lost one in which the complainant was its own employee.


The magazine can be vulgar to a point of being plainly insulting and all in the name of journalistic licence. It particularly reserves a special disdain for the world’s most eminent religious faiths. Some of its reprehensible portrayals in recent times have included a cover cartoon featuring rolls of toilet paper labeled “Bible,” “Koran,” and “Torah” under the headline “In the shitter, all the religions”.  François Hollande has been caricatured with a talking penis hanging out of his underwear and the country’s black Minister of Justice was once depicted as a monkey, which could well have been a racist gibe.  


Until the January horror, the magazine had been inching towards bankruptcy and had latterly laid off a number of employees. Its fortunes have now dramatically turned around: its first edition after the attack was on course to sell 5 million copies locally and abroad after the first print-run of 1 million copies sold out within half an hour of hitting the shelves. On Ebay, the popular online shopping megamarket,   purchasers eager to get their hands on a collector’s memento made mind-boggling bids of up to $82,400 per copy! A number of companies have pledged tantalisingly hefty sums to help the magazine sustain itself for the foreseeable future. Not all adversity is wholly adverse, seemingly.


THE MUSLIM OUTRAGE
The straw that finally broke the camel’s back, the smokescreen the  Illuminati used to chastise France for one reason or the other – in the bigger picture that is – on January 7 2015  was Charlie Hebdo’s almost morbid obsession with Muhammad, the founder of Islam and whose depiction the faith prohibits.


In 2006, not only did the magazine publish  demeaning cartoons of  Muhammad of its own but it also reproduced 12 controversial cartoons that had first appeared in a Danish paper and which drew lightning bolts of ire from the Islamic world.  In 2011, the magazine’s offices were fire-bombed and its website was defaced after one of its November editions featured a cartoon that cast Muhammad as a sadist. The prophet was satirised as its guest editor, with the following words issuing forth from his mouth: “100 lashes from the mouth if you don’t die laughing”. In September 2012, the magazine seemed to have   crossed a line when  it reeled off a series of cartoons of Muhammad some of which showed him stark naked.


Satire implies conscious sophistication but Charlie Hebdo was stretching it to a point of being plain foolhardy. When asked as to why his magazine seemed hellbent on knocking all taboos, editor Stéphane Charbonnier nonchalantly replied, “We have to carry on until Islam has been rendered as banal as Catholicism”. The response  had undertones of a smear agenda. This was not simply a principled publication indulging its love of a particular journalistic genre but a bunch of wayward satiricists with subversive motives.   


In the event, it  was not only Moslems who  were outraged. Western leaders too were troubled by the magazine’s stubborn refusal to show at least a modicum of sensitivity. At the time of his presidency, Jacques Chirac warned the publication of “overt provocations” which needed to be avoided. In the US,  a White House statement questioned the wisdom of  publishing  cartoons that profaned a revered religious figure like Muhammad.  On their part, the civilised elements of the Muslim world, represented by the Grand Mosque, the Muslim World League, and the Union of French Islamic Organisation, sought to tame the slanderous and sacrilegious publication by taking recourse to litigation, albeit to no avail.   


Meanwhile, the Moslem fundamentalists thought they had enough. In March 2013, Al Qaeda through its Yemeni branch, officially known as Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), issued its on fatwa against the magazine’s editor and 10 other “insolent infidels” who were a thorn in the side of its faith. Charlie Hebdo of course did not take the hitlist lightly: it posted a permanent police guard outside its premises. As things turned out, this was not a tight enough safeguard.  


THE STRIKE
On January 15 2015 at about 11:30 a.m., two armed masked men garbed in black bulldozed their way into the Charlie Hebdo premises and turned it into a killing field. When the deed was done, 12 people lay dead and 11 wounded, four of whom seriously. The dead ranged from ages 42 to 80 and included editor-in-chief Stéphane Charbonnie, four cartoonists, and three policemen. Of the wounded two remain  in critical condition.


The assailants, who kept chanting “Alahu Akbar” like they were airing a jingle, were  later identified as the brothers Cherif and Said Kouachi, aged 32 and 34 respectively. They were Frenchmen of Algerian descent and have been linked to Al Qaeda. On their way out of the Charlie Hebdo building, they shot dead a policeman, an event that was captured live on amateur video, and hijacked one or two cars  in their getaway. Police launched a manhunt but it was not until the following day, on the morning of January 8,  that they were spotted northeast of Paris.

At one stage they robbed a police station,  later abandoning  their getaway car and vanishing  into a nearby forest.    
The following day, they were again spotted after they had hijacked a Peugeot 504 and police chased after them for about 27 km on a single highway OJ Simpson style. At some point, they vacated their vehicle and in the ensuing exchange of fire with police, one of them sustained a minor wound on his neck.  They still were able to escape the police dragnet on foot.


At around 10:30 a.m., they burst into a signage production  company where only two people were present, the business owner and a 26-year-old graphics designer. The latter was beckoned to stash himself somewhere  by the business owner without catching the eye of the two armed intruders. He hid in a card box under a sink in the canteen, where he tipped the police by mobile texting and  communicated with them for about three hours. Meanwhile, the strangers did not lay a hand on the business owner. He even made coffee for them and bandaged the wound of the injured fella. Later, a salesman arrived. He too was not harmed and  was allowed to leave. After an hour, the business owner was asked to depart the premises too.   


At around 5 p.m, police decided to storm into the building via the roof. The two terrorists didn’t want to die like cowards apparently.  They bounded out of the building with guns blazing but were promptly neutralised in a hail of gunfire that rang out from all around. Meanwhile, a secondary siege in a kosher supermarket 40 km away staged by an alleged ally of the two brothers ensued. The perpetrator, Amedy Coulibaly, killed 4 hostages before he was finally shot dead himself  by police. He had earlier killed a female police woman in the company of his girlfriend Hayat Boumeddiene who remains at large to date.


The deaths of 12 people at the Charlie Hebdo building, the two Kouachi brothers themselves, Amedy Coulibaly, his four hostages, and the policewoman brought the total number of dead in the whole saga to 20. To most, it’s case closed:  the three main culprits are all dead, save for the woman. To the discerning, however, it is not as simple as that. There are a number of aspects about the whole incident  that raise more questions than answers.  For instance, were the so-called terrorists really terrorists? Were they for sure commissioned by Al Qaeda or were working under the auspices of the Illuminati as Hollande intimated?
These questions and precious others we address in the next and final installment.

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Judges, tribal leader get DIS protection

25th September 2023

The Directorate of Intelligence and Security (DIS) is currently providing round-the-clock protection to a number of judicial judges, including a tribal leader, as a result of persistent death threats they have been receiving while performing their duties.

According to reports, these judges have been under protection for about five months now.

A tribal leader who claimed to have received death threats on his phone from unknown callers is reportedly one of those receiving security protection. He was also given 24-hour protection after a comprehensive evaluation by DIS since internal disagreements within the royal family have divided the tribe.

DIS spokesperson Edward Rebert stated that the DIS Act provides for personal protection when circumstances warrant it. To avoid jeopardizing the security of those who have received this protection, he was unable to reveal their identities. He highlighted that extensive assessments are performed prior to giving protection, as the directorate has limited resources and must prioritize those who are most vulnerable.

Rebert also stated that media speculation about those under protection is not necessary and potentially dangerous, as it can attract undue attention and endanger those involved. He pointed out that the Intelligence Act expressly mentions only the President, his immediate family, the Vice President, his immediate family, and former Presidents as those entitled to personal protection.

In a separate matter, some DISS agents have filed a civil suit against their employer, claiming they are entitled to shift allowances. These agents, who chose to remain anonymous due to fear of reprisals, expressed concerns about the lack of remuneration for their work in escorting individuals provided with 24-hour protection. They hinted at the possibility of a “go-slow” if their shift allowance concerns are not addressed.

They added that ensuring security for the judges under protection has been difficult since it necessitates a thorough awareness of their personal lives and routines, which some judges find unsettling. They claim that resolving the shift allowance issue is critical to ensuring that they can continue to provide effective security and fulfill their judicial responsibilities.

 

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Judge Dingake punches holes in Masisi’s Constitutional Review

25th September 2023

Renowned jurist, Justice Professor Key Dingake has punched holes into President Mokgweetsi Masisi’s appointed Commission of inquiry into the review of Botswana’s constitution.

In December 2021, President Dr Mokgweetsi Masisi appointed a Commission of Inquiry into the review of the country’s Constitution. The Commission was given about nine months to complete its mandate and to submit its findings to the President by the end of September 2022.

Speaking at a seminar for future leaders of the African continent, Dingake who is a Judge of the Supreme and National Courts of Papua New Guinea and the Residual Special Court of Sierra Leone branded President Masisi’s constitutional review as a dream deferred.

According to the former Botswana High Court Judge and University of Botswana academic, it is difficult to assess the extent to which civil society engaged with the process.

“What seems clear is that a significant section of civil society and political opposition considered that the process was not inclusive and transparent. The political opposition rejected the process as illegitimate. It is unclear to many people what exactly remains to be done and when exactly should Batswana expect a revised Constitution,” Dingake said.

He submitted that; “The Botswana Constitutional Review process is, in my respectful view, “a dream deferred”.

Dingake noted that a committee that was established to consult Batswana on the review of the Constitution is called The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the review of the Constitution of Botswana. He said the above name, in many respects, tells a substantial part of the story about the nature and character of the Commission.

“The review process that started in December 2021 was one of the quickest in history,” said the judge. Dingake also indicated that the process was carried out over a period of about 9 months and was not preceded by any stakeholder engagement or civic education. His view is that the absence of civic education was apparent from most of the commentary that was offered in many public platforms that the commission addressed.

“Based on the commentaries that were made, one wished that civic education preceded the process,” said Dingake adding that “Having taught Constitutional law at law school, I know for certain that if I were to walk into a law class and without offering the lecture, asked the students to evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the Botswana Constitution, many may find the question difficult, but the appreciation of the subject matter may improve substantially after the lecture. “

The judge asserted that; “The same is true with the Constitution review process, in which we want people to assess the strengths and weaknesses of the Constitution.” The judge noted that in December 2021, President Masisi appointed a Constitutional Review Commission headed by former Chief Justice Maruping Dibotelo.

Commenting on this, Dingake said the Commission was established under the Commission of Inquiries Act, which required the Commission to report directly to the President.

He said this approach, quite self-evidently, gave the impression of a partisan approach; the process could not be said by any standard to have been ‘people-driven.

“The 1966 Botswana Constitution is a colonial relic adding that “It has served us well generally, but it is no longer fit for purpose,” he said adding that; “It is overdue for far-reaching renewal. It has many weaknesses that can be instantly fixed, such as requiring it to expressly state that it is the supreme law of the land and to expressly recognize separation of powers, key components that, in my mind, constitute the unalterable basic structure of the Constitution.”

“Constitution is not gender-sensitive, and the electoral system mandated by the Constitution tends to exclude women from national political decision-making. As it is often said, no country can claim to be democratic if half or more of its population is excluded,” said Dingake.

He observed that the Constitution lacks independent institutions that support democracy, a bill of rights that recognizes all human rights, and concentrates too much power in the Presidency.

He said the Constitutional architecture is such that Parliament ends up being a rubber stamp of Executive decisions. The Constitutional review process raises opportunities for devolving power to local government units, strengthening equality and non-discrimination clauses in the Constitution, and outright outlawing many other discriminatory legal provisions and practices.

Dingake also noted that a review of the Constitution would also provide opportunities for the Botswana Government to domesticate all international, regional, and sub-regional treaties or protocols it has signed, such as the Maputo Protocol.

He said it is difficult to assess the extent to which civil society engaged with the process. What seems clear is that a significant section of civil society and political opposition considered that the process was not inclusive and transparent.

“The political opposition rejected the process as illegitimate. It is unclear to many people what exactly remains to be done and when exactly should Batswana expect a revised Constitution,” said Dingake.

 

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Investing in Children of Kokotsha: Learn To Play, Kokotsha VDC and Tsabong District Council Launch ECD Playgroup

25th September 2023

KOKOTSHA – The Kokotsha community, home to some 90 children, is one that passionately believes in investing in the youth of today as future leaders of tomorrow. In support of this, and with a desire to ensure children in the village more effectively learn through play for truly brighter futures, Learn To Play is excited to launch its 10th Botswana playgroup in Kokotsha.

The playgroup was opened in partnership with the Kokotsha Village Development Committee (VDC) and the Tsabong District Council on the 11th of September 2023, in the presence of Kgosi Kudume; Chief Social & Community Development Officer, Boitumelo Pule; Deputy Council Chairman, Honourable Councillor Baitseweng; and Kokotsha Councillor Jane.

“The establishment of Kokotsha Play Group is a very appropriate and relevant cause by department of Social and Community Development in collaboration with Learn to Play, as we all know that Early Childhood Education opportunities are critical and key for children’s psychosocial development. The positive outcomes of this initiative will trickle down to improving the quality of life of not only the children enrolled, but Kokotsha as a whole,” said Tsabong District Council Deputy Council Chairman, Honourable Councillor Baitsiwe.

Tsabong District Council made the necessary renovations to an old playgroup structure on site, also supporting the playgroup with necessary resources so that the 40 children enrolled in will experience leading ECD methods and approaches, inclusive of mindful play, creativity, LEGO programmes, playful literacy, early brain development, and more. The playgroup will begin by serving 40 children in the community until the end of 2023 and increase to 80 from 2024.

“When we say, “it takes a village to raise a child”, Kokotsha is that village! From the most inspiring and supportive leadership at the Tsabong District Council – whose vision and priority towards early childhood development brings us here today, to the leadership within Kokotsha with the most committed civil servants, and our dedicated Mamapreneurs – we have truly learnt the meaning behind that phrase,” said Learn To Play Founder and CEO, Priyanka Handa-Ram. “Kokotsha stands as a model not just for our other community playgroups across the country, but for the entire African continent on how policies, programmes and communities need to devote time, effort and resources to nurturing our children. Working with the Tsabong District Council and the leadership in Kokotsha to be ready for opening, including renovating this incredible playgroup centre, has been so smooth and efficient – all testament to the Council’s commitment to bring play-based learning to Kokotsha, and indeed the district at large. Effective partnerships with local governments and community leadership are key to forging a path to universal access to high quality early childhood development in our beautiful Botswana.”

Three mamapreneurs identified by the Kokotsha community were trained in Gaborone for two weeks in April this year on ECD essentials, managing and facilitating daily playgroups, effective monitoring and evaluation, school readiness, digital literacy, child protection, first aid and more. These phenomenal women are now part of the 35 Mamapreneur-strong network of change-agents across Botswana within the Learn To Play ecosystem.

ECD plays a crucial role in a child’s overall development, setting the foundation for their cognitive, social, and emotional development.  Research has consistently shown that quality of early education has a long-lasting impact on a child’s academic performance, social skills, and overall wellbeing and that children who attend high-quality early childhood education programmes are more likely to perform better academically and have higher graduation rates. These programmes help children develop empathy, self-regulation, and positive relationships with peers and adults. These very impacts are being measurably reported across Learn To Play playgroups in Botswana, and the impact is clear for all to see.

Learn To Play now operates play-based learning playgroups in 6 districts across Botswana, and gaging and benefitting over 450 children in Pandamatenga, Bere, Kokotsha, Mabele, Nata, Bontleng, Gopong, Kavimba, Kacgae, and Dukwi, working to create a sustainable framework for development. Learn To Play is Inspired by Play and Informed by African communities, just like that of Kokotsha.

 

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