The skeletons at Botswana Meat Commission (BMC) are difficult to bury, the Feedlotters Association of Botswana has said in a scathing ‘confidential’ report channelled to the Minister of Agriculture and Food Resources, Patrick Ralotsia.
They express shock at the establishment’s attempt to wish BMC problems and alleged corruption away by pushing numerous damning reports under the carpet.
The report titled ‘Overview of BMC 2013-2016’ is uncompromising in detailing how some executives at BMC in cohort with some third parties are ensuring that the BMC is seen as an unprofitable venture. The Feedlotters are of the view that there is a deliberate move to ensure that the BMC remains unprofitable and does not identify new markets.
In their explosive report, they write: The recent “Shambles” that bedevilled the BMC resulting in the institution of two state Commissions of inquiries to investigate the wrongs of the BMC itself does not seem to have solved anything at BMC. They have no kind words for the current management of the BMC; they allege that it is the worst in many years.
“If managed properly, BMC is a sustainable business that can go far in empowering and enriching communal farmers in Botswana. The country as a whole is being deprived of the values and sustainable incomes that could be available through a thriving cattle industry, under the leadership of a viable and profitable BMC,” the Feedlotters write in their report.
They point out that the nation was recently shocked by a government decision to shut down BCL mine in Selibe Phikwe, they fear that the same fate may befall BMC, “and the looters will have a field day, taking ownership of the country’s biggest butchery.” According to the Association of Feedlotters, the Parliamentary Select Committee that investigated the BMC 2013 came up with a list of findings and recommendations that could have been adopted to save the BMC and protect the interests of the many Batswana who depend on the BMC for livelihoods.
“Three years later and as at today, October 2016, the Parliamentary Select Committee’s findings were a mere exercise in futility, carried out at such a cost to the nation but none of their recommendations were considered.”
THE SELECT COMMITTEE’S FINDINGS, CONCERNS The Committee had found that BMC CEOs, with few exceptions, have been chosen from the ranks of retired civil servants not based on merit or their commercial experience. The MPs had also pointed out that the BMC management practiced poor governance and there were bad relations between the board and management. It discovered productions inefficiencies caused by over staffing, declining productivity, and high marketing costs. There was no proper and efficient system of financial controls. The BMC became financially insolvent over the 2009-2012 period.
The Parliamentary Select Committee at the time picked on the issue of BMC marketing, pointing out that “At present BMC’s marketing agent, Global Protein Solutions (GPS) provides for a legal monopoly on exports. The BMC should seek to revise the contract and segments of the global beef export market to hedge against a monopoly of the marketing of the Botswana beef produce.”
Interestingly the Committee also declared that an investigation be undertaken by the Directorate on Corruption and economic Crime (DCEC) into the award of the marketing contract by BMC in favour of GPS and consideration be made for a review and renegotiation of the contract terms to ensure residual contract of the beef export marketing by the BMC. The Committee also discovered a “strong circumstantial evidence of under-pricing of beef to the EU, South Africa, and domestic markets over the period. The recommendations by the committee were never considered.
The Parliamentary Select Committee also decided that Feedlot activities should be undertaken by the Botswana private sector and not by the BMC.
THE BMC SITUATION IN 2016 According to the Feedlotters, “in today’s BMC, management does not seem to have heeded the findings of the Special Parliamentary Committee, one wonders if they even read the report.” They point out that some in the BMC management continue to demonstrate a high level of arrogance, wilful dishonesty, breaches of contracts, and bad corporate governance.
They cite poor financial management as another devil at the BMC, hence the constant failure to pay farmers, agents, or anyone connected to the Beef industry and associated with BMC, on time. The Feedlotters are also concerned that marketing Botswana beef through a monopoly and under suspicious contracts instead of marketing direct to cut off the middleman, in this case GPS.
On the management of the BMC, Feedlotters point out that the organisation currently has the worst management. “This is visible in the dreadful way they treat and handles producers.” According to the Feedlotters, BMC management has developed a culture of ignorance and arrogance whereby producers are talked down to and financially threatened if they complain.
“Managers rarely, if they ever do, answer correspondence and they actively avoid meetings that may be heated.” Feedlotters allege a culture of non-cooperation, non-accountability and secrecy. They also point out that executive management is not proactive, but are prone to sweeping problems under the carpet, in the hope that problems will simply solve themselves and go away.
As a result, these very problems are invariably never to be seen by those who should know what is going on and are authorised to take appropriate action. “It is our experience that the Chief Executive Officer, Dr Akolang Tombale seems not to be aware of what is happening within the BMC, and unfortunately reports on issues are usually manipulated to hide the actual truth at BMC.”
Feedlotters accuse Tombale of placing blind faith in everything said or presented to him by his executive managers. “Most of these executives do not report the truth but distort facts to provide the impression that all is well within the BMC where as in actual fact all facets of the Value Chain of the BMC are complaining bitterly about various vitally important functions of the BMC.”
According to the report by the Feedlotters Association, the executives report to the CEO to impress him, but not to inform him of the true position which then leads him to misrepresent the situation at board level, Cabinet and ultimately Batswana. “Of particular concern is the influence and seemingly vast control that is exercised by the Chief Financial Officer (CFO). The Feedlotters Association says the CFO is the only person who knows the basis of contracts with the marketing company, GPS, and how they operate. They point out that his influence is unhealthy for the BMC.
“The BMC has no ability to market because no capacity has been built in Botswana and the BMC is now more dependant than ever on the relationship with GPS which is under the control of the CFO. The unhealthy relationship with GPS ensures that this single agent of the BMC has complete control of all of Botswana’s external markets. Thus GPS through the CFO control the BMC and decide how the BMC gets paid which leads to continuous failure to manage BMC cash flows.”
Frustration over the GPS contract has seen top executives leave BMC in the recent past, the Feedlotters say. “The Internal Auditor, Distribution Manager was transferred to Capetown, Marketing Manager was turned into a plant manager and banished to Maun, The Finance Manager and the Chief Accountant both left.” In a period of three years, the BMC has lost two financial managers and chief accountant all reporting to the CFO.
The Feedlotters Association is concerned that GPS which markets Botswana beef also has a similar arrangement with competitors such as Meat Corporation of Namibia and Woodhead Brothers United Kingdom. “The whole conflict of interest issue comes to the fore when one is aware of the fact that Meatco of Namibia has recently entered into a supply contracts with both the USA and China. Whilst at the same time no new markets have been structured and or created for the BMC.”
The Feedlotters Association further observes that GPS is also associated with the Woodheads Brothers United Kingdom. They are one of Britain’s biggest food manufacturers. The Feedlotters are concerned that the BMC does not know its customers; everything is secretive and managed by the CFO and GPS. “This makes it difficult for the BMC to decide to terminate the GPS contract, or to demand transparent marketing picture. The Association want this matter to be looked into as soon as possible. The BMC is said to have recently dismantled an internal marketing team and handed everything to GPS.
“It is known and reported fact that GPS buys more than 40 percent of all EU bonded meat. This it is believed is at a cheaper price. GPS then gains a commission from the BMC for selling this meat but it now also benefits from later selling the same meat at a higher price for their own profit. This is a question many senior Financial Managers have asked only to lose their positions within the BMC, by either being banished, resigning of their own accord due to frustration…” writes the Feedlotters Association of Botswana.
They are concerned that GPS does not allow BMC to find other markets and thus forces the BMC to sell meat at a loss to the South African markets just to satisfy the GPS commission. “Interest was exhibited by a group in Norway, who were introduced to the BMC by the Feedlot organisation, but was immediately turned down by the CEO and CFO, citing contractual obligations with GPS.
A further example was a group representing a very reputable American organisation, MI, introduced to the BMC by a well-known personality in the beef sector of Botswana, who wanted to market BMC beef in China but were also turned down. GPS has made it clear that no one is allowed to market Botswana beef. The Angolan market, which is said to be profitable, was also turned down after internal lengthy discussions.”
WASTAGE AND SABOTAGE The Feedlotters Association allege that in 2014/2015 the BMC embarked on a destructive and aggressive cattle buying spree, believed to have been engineered by the CFO in order to capture the whole market in Botswana. They further say the aggressive buying resulted in overstocked feedlots and overstocked back grounding farms. They point out that thousands of cattle died as a direct result of this reckless move by the BMC against the very industry that the BMC act was designed to protect and nurture.
“The losses of the huge numbers of cattle due to DCP decision, seems to have escaped prudent and well-structured financial accountability when the internal auditor was released. The BMC lost millions of Pula during this crusade,” wrote the Feedlotters Association.”
From time immemorial the church was seen as a sacred haven for weary souls and those who need rest from worldly aches and pains. This is even written in the Holy Bible; “Come to me, all you who are weary and burdened, and I will give you rest.
Take my yoke upon you and learn from me, for I am gentle and humble in heart, and you will find rest for your souls. For my yoke is easy and my burden is light,” Matthew 11:28-30.
This being said, anyone would be forgiven to think that the first place to run to would be the church. Time has however changed this.
The atrocities perpetrated by the church and their pastors or those who have been called upon to ‘lead the flock’ have not only distorted their mission, they have caused followers immeasurable pains.
Adorned in the finest regalia in church, the so called men of God are nothing but wolf in sheep’s clothing as they lurk in church corners to prey on the innocent and vulnerable in a place where victims thought was their ‘Father’s house’.
Behind every monster are those who clean up after it and in this case, these are church followers who are alive to the inhumane acts caused by the very men of God whom they have put on pedestals. These followers, more often than not are Elders in the church or those in the revered pastor’s inner circles. These followers would, in an attempt to shield their ‘man of God’, portray the victim as a Jezebel, and shield their pastor and the church’s reputation, forsaking the trauma inflicted upon the victim.
The author of ‘Sex on the Alter’, Kaelo McCoffee was inspired to pen down his book after seeing the endless and unreported incidents that occurred within church walls.
“It’s like a play, a drama based on true stories of how “men of God” abuse women sexually, use them and dump them. Not just that, but it addresses how desperate women are for marriage and relationships, resulting in pain. This is covering ill activities happening in the church,” said McCoffee.
“The purpose of this book is to open someone’s eyes, not just ladies, even guys, that church might be seen or recognised as a good place to be, that might be true yes, but people shouldn’t feel comfortable because they are in church. They should be aware of the dangers that can happen to them in church, like I talked about abuse. I wrote this book to bring awareness, mostly to women because they’re the ones always going through such mostly.”
If one is to look at the grabbling GBV cases within Botswana that occur on a daily basis, one would expect the church to intervene. Not this time around, seeing as how the church is marred with such cases.
“I’ve seen young girls being used because they fell in love with the guy in a nice suit, they get deceived by material things, they get lied to, “I’ll marry you” but after sleeping with them, they leave them, young girls end up reporting cases of rape, yet the truth is they were in love, but because the promises weren’t fulfilled there’s always drama. Some get paid to be silent. I won’t mention anyone by names, but this is what has been happening in many churches, hearts are being broken in the name of the “anointed one”. I’m not saying every man of God, I’m talking about things I know of and I’ve heard happening,” he said.
“And to God it’s an abomination to drag His name into sin and claiming to be righteous, if God has promised in His word that His servants will even face more punishment for diverting His people into wrong doings then they deserve to be punished, they’re humans and they are not even doing what they preach. If the men of God in the Bible got punished for such doings what more of these guys who mess with our sisters.”
In an Interview with WeekendPost, the founder of Epistle of Power International Church (EPIC), Duncan Katse confirmed with this publication that these devious acts are very much present within churches and orchestrated by the so called ‘pastors’.
“It is true and one thing that makes it true is that we have got a lot of pastors who are not really trained in the area of becoming a pastor and there was no discipline instilled. Young ladies also trust their pastors and spiritual mentors with their all; their lives, their bodies. So when these pastors notice that they are highly regarded they can do anything. If there is no alignment in the mentorship, it is easy for the pastor to manipulate the congregants with spiritual things.”
“Some would say ‘God wants us to have our moment alone’, they will start manufacturing funny prophecies to make the person comfortable to relax with them. Sometimes in private spaces, which becomes very dangerous for a young lady. Not all the ladies who go to church have the intension of sleeping with the man of God. Most women do not report these cases because some judge themselves and are afraid to be accused for falsely accusing the man of God,” said Katse.
How women are raped in church
According to close sources, these so called ‘men of God’, threaten young girls after sleeping with them and that they will be cursed should they decide to speak out. Some will be threatened with the infamous line; ‘touch not my anointed.’
“They use their spiritual and prophetic authority to manipulate these women into raping them. There is also an oil called ‘do as I say’ and most of the girls who became victims will tell you, after being raped, they did not know how the rape occurred. Once they apply that oil, whatever they say you are going to do it whether you like it or not. That is why most of these girls are raped and left sick because most of these men of God are sick. They are sick of HIV/AIDS and STI’s. Before raping these women they prepare them emotionally by taking them out for dinners and they end up raping them.”
Botswana Council of Churches responds
“Sexual violence and abuse has been an enormously painful and common feature of our collective past. No sector of society, churches included, has been immune to the problem of sexual violence. It is horrible. Whenever we have seen sexual violence, it has always been an offence to God, and a shattering of God’s good, redemptive hopes for the human story. Sexual abuse is clearly a shattering of God’s intentions for our humanity,” said Bishop Metlha Beleme from Botswana Council of Churches
“When God’s ways are honoured, there is love, because love – the Scriptures tell us – is the very nature and character of God. When you think about it, sexual violence does all the opposite of 1Corinthians 13:4-7, which talks about love. God wants us to experience love. So, apart from the laws of the land, the Church also has Canon law and the Church court for the trial of such offences as Sexual Immorality.”
Beleme further highlighted that; ‘‘there are other healing processes that follow e.g. forgiveness and reconciliation, counselling. Amongst other things we can confess that Church Leaders and Pastors are sinners too, and must be held accountable,” he said.
Maybe when all is said and done, the long arm of the law will forever elude churches as evidenced by the many cases internationally regarding the Catholic church and the cases of paedophilia and child molestation that have been ongoing for years on end. And very rarely in Botswana do pastors face criminal charges in court for sex offenses and that may also be because very few women come forth for fear of being ostracised by both church and society.
Every five years, a cohort of newly elected Members of Parliament (MPs) gather at parliament buildings to take a symbolic oath to assume new role as rarefied individuals who make Botswana’s laws — as prescribed in the constitution — for the good governance of Botswana. Staff Writer ALFRED MASOKOLA observes an abdication of responsibility that has become a new normal in the business of parliament.
Few days before President Sir Ketumile Masire cleared his desk at Office of the President to end an eventful and successful 18 year presidency, his apparent heir, Festus Mogae was reaching out to opposition legislators in a bid to solicit for support for his choice for Vice President.
Since 1997 constitutional amendments, parliament has been mandated with the responsibility of endorsing the Vice President before assuming office.
Mogae was scheduled to ascend to the highest position in the land in wake of series of events in the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) that made him the only viable candidate. Beleaguered by factions, Mogae could not count on his polarised party.
As many noted, Mogae was relatively a new entrant in the BDP politics. Though he was an accomplished technocrat, he was not a political power horse and was without the charisma that the likes of Daniel Kwelagobe, Ponatshego Kedikilwe and the late Lt General Merafhe had.
Luckily for Mogae, his choice for Vice President was a likeable figure — Lt Gen Ian Khama — and accepted across factional divide, and even more remarkably, by some in opposition ranks. The name was endorsed by all BDP MPs, and the cherry on top; by additional two opposition MPs.
The build-up to this accomplishment however highlighted one major thing that Mogae never took for granted — the legitimate power of MPs.
Even in his presidency, Mogae sought to use parliament caucus for the purpose of achieving consensus rather than imposing his own will. Throughout his presidency, Mogae had to navigate through the hostile factions that kept him on his toes.
In 2003, Mogae in what proved to be naïve, publicly endorsed his Vice President- Khama, in the party chairmanship race against Kedikilwe, the co-leader of what was then known as Kwelagobe/Kedikilwe faction, and later Barataphathi.
Inevitably, Khama won the chairmanship — a development that saw Barataphathi losing control of the Central Committee, for the first time since 1981. With victory in 2003, emerged a rebranded faction called A-Team, led by Merafhe and Jacob Nkate.
The faction will come to dominate both the Central Committee and cabinet after 2004 general elections. Mogae had left out Kwelagobe, Kedikilwe, and GUS Matlhabaphiri out of cabinet after 2004 general elections, inadvertently strengthening the backbench which closed ranks with opposition MPs to subject the executive to scrutiny.
At the height of exercising their power, the backbench blocked and rejected government policies and other pieces of legislation brought before parliament.
By 2006, cabinet found it difficult to pass bills, including the Judges Pension Bill and the crucial intelligence bill which created the DIS in 2007.
Faced with a rigid backbench, Mogae reshuffled his cabinet in 2007 restructuring ministries to accommodate members of rival faction in cabinet. Thereafter, the relationship between cabinet and backbench became cordial.
“I am fully aware that the MPs, both the former ministers, the cabal of some new MPs and the rest of the House, can make and unmake me politically,” Mogae famously said at 2001 BDP Congress in Palapye, as he deliberated on some of the demands brought forward by MPs.
Like anywhere else in democratic dispensations, MPs hold their own and are not pushovers, even in instances where the executive belongs to the same political party that controls the legislative house.
Mogae had accepted that MPs have their own responsibility and that their power was legitimate. Throughout his presidency, his modus operandi was to consult MPs through caucus whenever an important decision was to be made in parliament.
The approach was also the tradition during the presidency of Masire, the founding father of both the BDP and the nation. Masire considered therisanyo paramount prior to any decision making and was described by Mogae during his memorial as, “consultative, collaborative and patient.”
In 2008, things started to change. In recent years, BDP caucus has become increasingly powerful. Unlike in the past, instead of seeking consensus, MPs have been forced to support decisions of the cabinet, even when MPs are not in agreement.
“Caucus has always been there and it is part and parcel of parliament in democracy. Caucus can be flexible depending on leadership. Some issues are allowed conscience debate if caucus cannot reach consensus,” said a high ranking BDP member who served as MP under both Mogae and Khama.
“Mogae was liberal and allowed MPs to use their conscience when there was no consensus. Caucus only became a contentious issue during Khama [Ian] presidency and today.”
In 2011, weeks after civil servants called off strikes that lasted nearly three months, and crippled the economy, then junior minister in the ministry of Local Government, Kentse Rammidi resigned from the cabinet amid a position taken by the party.
In trying to deal with power of civil servants, cabinet brought before parliament a Bill that sought to prevent a number of cadres in the civil service including teachers from participating in industrial action by making them essential service.
Rammidi, who had sympathised with workers during the strike chose to quit the party after BDP caucus forced MPs to support the bill which was to be brought to parliament by then Minister of Labour and Home Affairs, Peter Siele.
The development set had ushered in a new era in the governance of BDP, with the Executive effectively rendering Parliament — which by all intent and purpose is meant to prove checks on it — a rubber stamp.
The BDP caucus effectively derives its mandate from President as the head of executive.
The latest victim of the domineering caucus is Jwaneng-Mabutsane MP, Reggie Reatile.
Two months ago, the maverick MP was slapped with suspension for abstaining instead of voting alongside agreed party caucus positions.
In the build-up to his suspension, Reatile had on numerous occasions voted against the BDP on the Parliament floor. Reatile also abstained when voting was called on the Botswana Defense Force (BDF) Amendment Bill meant to create the position of Judge Advocate General.
Reatile was also the BDP black sheep that voted against Speaker of Parliament, Phandu Skelemani’s decision to suspend Leader of Opposition (LOO) Dumelang Saleshando, from parliament last month.
Prior to Reatile, maverick Ignatius Moswaane, Francistown West legislator, was also suspended. Moswaane has also proved to be a thorn in the flesh of the ruling party as he consistently refused to toe the party line, instead following his conscience.
Moswaane has since resigned from the BDP in favour of Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC).
The insistence on block voting have seen parliament being ultra-polarised, and inadvertently at the expense of the public and good governance.
Despite the country grappled with rising incidence of Gender Based Violence (GBV), the ruling MPs rejected a motion tabled by Mahalapye East MP, Yandani Boko, following a caucus decision.
Boko had tabled a motion on urgency calling for parliament to request President Mokgweetsi Masisi to set-up a Commission of Inquiry on Gender Based Violence (GBV) and other Sexual Offences.
During the BDP caucus, it was agreed that the motion should not be agreed upon, but instead be countered with a suggestion that the duty be referred to an Inter-Ministerial Committee.
Commissions of Inquiry Act empowers the President to set-up a commission and to set its terms of reference.
The motion was however withdrawn by the mover following lack of support from BDP majority.
The rejection of the motion is part of many that have not survived the might of BDP caucus.
In the run-up to 2019 general election, Masisi promised to repeal the infamous Media Practitioners Act passed during his predecessor’s administration. The promise was buttressed in the BDP 2019 election manifesto.
However, when Selibe Phikwe West lawmaker, Dithapelo Keorapetse, brought before parliament the same bill, the ruling party caucus tore it apart. In brief; it was rejected.
The constitution of Botswana, adopted in 1966 following independence, vests legislative powers in parliament. Parliament, through its committees is empowered to provide oversight.
Parliament, indirectly elects the President and also has power to dissolve parliament through a pass of motion of no confidence on government supported by simple majority.
Parliament also approves national spending and also entitled to amend certain provisions of the constitution, save for entrenched provisions.
In giving parliament the legislative duties, the constitution also gives the President the power to ascent to bills passed by parliament or return them to parliament if not satisfied. Nevertheless, if parliament insists on not making any amendments, the President is compelled to ascent to the Bill failing which parliament will lead to the dissolution of parliament, necessitating new elections.
With so much power at its disposal why is parliament abdicating its true responsibility?
The latest edition of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Monitor shows the continuing and devastating impacts of the pandemic on jobs and labour income since early 2020, and the massive disruptions in the labour market that will persist into the fourth quarter of this year.
ILO analysts argue that policymakers will need to maintain support to employment and incomes over the coming months and well into 2021, and to address key challenges.