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The mystery of UB financial crisis

There is a famous African proverb which says when a hyena wants to eat its children; it first accuses them of smelling like goats. The expression could not have been more fitting in describing the conundrum in which the University of Botswana (UB) finds itself in — having to fight a mysterious battle to rediscover its value and where it stands in government future plans, writes ALFRED MASOKOLA.


Assistant Minister of Tertiary Education, Research, Science and Technology Fidelis Molao was probably showing just how far government would go to bury the University of Botswana a few months back. The unapologetic Minister stated rather harshly that: “UB should adapt or die.”


The doctor’s prescription, in the opinion of the Assistant Minister, is what the Human Resource Development Council (HRDC) has put on the table as what the country needs in the tertiary education sector; and if the UB does not satisfy that prescription, government would look elsewhere; the most obvious route being privately owned tertiary institutions.


This has infuriated the UB provost. The bitter words to swallow for Vice Chancellor Professor Thabo Fako was being told out of the blue, that the country’s most prestigious learning institution is offering programs which the economy does not desire. Again they were told, vaguely so, to adapt or die.


The first hint of Professor Fako’s aggravation with how things are turning out for UB was last year when he summoned all political parties to a forum at the institution. It is not common that the strategic issues of institutions such as UB could be discussed through such a forum. But Professor Fako, having run out patience and desperate for a solution was convinced it was the most perfect thing to do. Present at the meeting were    Mpho Balopi, the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) then Secretary General; Dr Phenyo Butale of the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) and also Member of Parliament for the area and Dr Kesitegile Gobotswang representing Botswana Congress Party (BCP).


Fako’s revelations signalled that the UB was facing a crisis in future and pleaded for an honest apolitical debate on the future of the institution fearing that in the absence of such, the institution would fold, as result of mushrooming private institutions. Prof Fako was not impressed by the discriminatory gesture of offering Botswana International University of Science and Technology (BIUST) preferential treatment at the detriment of UB.


Even the BDP vanguard, Balopi was shocked by the state of affairs at UB. His mainstay promise was that he will compile a report and have it submitted to the party leadership with the view of amending the situation. Almost two years later, UB is in a worse crisis than it was a year ago. It is still a mystery what happened to Balopi’s promise. In the absence of that answer, the most two obvious scenarios are that; Balopi compiled the report, submitted to the leadership and it was largely ignored, or marked as not urgent. The second scenario is that Balopi didn’t bother to compile the report at all.


This week, Prof Fako made a daring statement before the parliamentary committee on Statutory Bodies and Enterprises that government should be bold enough to state whether it wants to shut down UB or not, and even said whatever decision government wants to take, it should do so openly, boldly and honestly.


But at government enclave, everyone seems to think that Fako is living in the world of phantasm or has paranoia emanating from the boom in private tertiary institutions. Molao hears no evil and sees no evil in the new government relationship with UB, and to him, Fako is just creating a storm in a tea cup.  He pointed out before that UB should not be heavily reliant on government alone at this point but should have in place self- sustenance mechanisms.


“There is nothing wrong with government no longer giving 100 percent subvention. UB should attracting international students, and our view is that they should be self-sustaining now,” Molao told WeekendPost a few weeks ago. The platitude of Molao’s statement however contrasts how the private institutions having been surviving, with government sponsored students being the only source of income for the institutions -the same model UB is expected not to use. Strictly speaking, a lot of them will close shop if the government was to stop sponsoring students at the institutions.


While government has envisaged increasing access to tertiary education, enrolment numbers at the country’s highest learning institution have been dwindling, and Fako has attributed this to the way government chooses to do business. A report, titled “Tertiary Education at a Glance” published by the HRDC earlier this year, indicates that government’s decision through its policy to sponsor students in registered private tertiary institutions in the country has resulted in significant involvement of the private sector in the provision of tertiary education.


The report stated that the enrolment at tertiary level has almost doubled, rising from 31 129 in the 2007/08 financial year to 60 583 in the 2014/15 financial year. During the 2014/15 financial year, out of the 60 583 students enrolled in tertiary institutions, private tertiary institutions accounted for 42.6 percent of the students. A drastic growth experienced by almost all private institutions.


The projections also indicated that the private sector will be enrolling more students than public schools. Amid the rise in enrolment at private tertiary institutions, owners and directors have been laughing all the way to the bank, as the education sector has now been turned into a dread for profit sector.


The ownership of the institutions, their accreditation and accrediting has been at the centre of debate, and so has been their credibility. Early this year, the ministry of Tertiary Education, acting in cohort with HRDC reached a decision that effectively meant that the following courses; Bachelor of Business Administration (Marketing), Bachelor of Business Administration (Management), Business Information Systems, BEd Adult Education, Diploma in Adult Education, BA Humanities, BA Chinese Studies, BA Pastoral Studies, Diploma in Library and Information Studies, BIS Computer Information Systems, BSc Information Technology, Diploma in Population Studies and Diploma in Social Work would not attract government sponsorship this year.


In Fako’s view, the development means, the ministry is signalling the university should completely shut down some faculties, which could mean unplanned loss of jobs for teaching staff. According to him, government should be able to state what it expects from UB as a public institution, without making isolated decisions which impact negatively on the operations of the university.


“My belief is that, if the government no longer wants the university to offer a certain program, that should be an act of policy, and then we phase out the programme in a gradual manner, not just to pullout the plug,” said Fako. Fako said government should understand that the university has already made some commitments by signing contracts with academic staff and such decisions by government continue to sink the university in crisis.


Apart from the dwindling number of students being enrolled at UB as a result of the sponsorship cessation by government for some courses, Ministry of Tertiary Education has also failed to pay University of Botswana tuition fees for three consecutive financial years.  Prof Fako also indicated that the major challenge faced by UB is government’s decision not to meet the budget as requested by the institutions. The institution requires over P1 billion to cover operational costs, but in the last three years the institution has received less than what they have requested forcing it to exhaust its reserves. In the last three years, the university received P776 million, 714 million and 703 million in the financial year under review.


Fako has openly stated that some private institutions have been given an illusion of being a ‘university’ while in actual fact they are not, given their capacity, resources and the learning environment. “To me a university is a prestigious institution, and the name ‘university’ should be protected. What we are doing is giving children the hope that they are something which they are not,” he said.


The chairman of the committee parliamentary committee, Samson Guma said the confusion caused by the ministry also means that the submissions by the ministry in the National Development Plan 11 is wrong, given that what is allocated to the UB could be inadequate to meet its operational costs in the next coming years.


Fako informed the committee he is preparing a report to be submitted to the ministry, detailing the gravity of the decision taken by government in the last few years and its impact on the university.

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DIS blasted for cruelty – UN report

26th July 2022
DIS BOSS: Magosi

Botswana has made improvements on preventing and ending arbitrary deprivation of liberty, but significant challenges remain in further developing and implementing a legal framework, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention said at the end of a visit recently.

Head of the delegation, Elina Steinerte, appreciated the transparency of Botswana for opening her doors to them. Having had full and unimpeded access and visited 19 places of deprivation of liberty and confidentiality interviewing over 100 persons deprived of their liberty.

She mentioned “We commend Botswana for its openness in inviting the Working Group to conduct this visit which is the first visit of the Working Group to the Southern African region in over a decade. This is a further extension of the commitment to uphold international human rights obligations undertaken by Botswana through its ratification of international human rights treaties.”

Another good act Botswana has been praised for is the remission of sentences. Steinerte echoed that the Prisons Act grants remission of one third of the sentence to anyone who has been imprisoned for more than one month unless the person has been sentenced to life imprisonment or detained at the President’s Pleasure or if the remission would result in the discharge of any prisoner before serving a term of imprisonment of one month.

On the other side; The Group received testimonies about the police using excessive force, including beatings, electrocution, and suffocation of suspects to extract confessions. Of which when the suspects raised the matter with the magistrates, medical examinations would be ordered but often not carried out and the consideration of cases would proceed.

“The Group recall that any such treatment may amount to torture and ill-treatment absolutely prohibited in international law and also lead to arbitrary detention. Judicial authorities must ensure that the Government has met its obligation of demonstrating that confessions were given without coercion, including through any direct or indirect physical or undue psychological pressure. Judges should consider inadmissible any statement obtained through torture or ill-treatment and should order prompt and effective investigations into such allegations,” said Steinerte.

One of the group’s main concern was the DIS held suspects for over 48 hours for interviews. Established under the Intelligence and Security Service Act, the Directorate of Intelligence and Security (DIS) has powers to arrest with or without a warrant.

The group said the “DIS usually requests individuals to come in for an interview and has no powers to detain anyone beyond 48 hours; any overnight detention would take place in regular police stations.”

The Group was able to visit the DIS facilities in Sebele and received numerous testimonies from persons who have been taken there for interviewing, making it evident that individuals can be detained in the facility even if the detention does not last more than few hours.

Moreover, while arrest without a warrant is permissible only when there is a reasonable suspicion of a crime being committed, the evidence received indicates that arrests without a warrant are a rule rather than an exception, in contravention to article 9 of the Covenant.

Even short periods of detention constitute deprivation of liberty when a person is not free to leave at will and in all those instances when safeguards against arbitrary detention are violated, also such short periods may amount to arbitrary deprivation of liberty.

The group also learned of instances when persons were taken to DIS for interviewing without being given the possibility to notify their next of kin and that while individuals are allowed to consult their lawyers prior to being interviewed, lawyers are not allowed to be present during the interviews.

The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention mentioned they will continue engaging in the constructive dialogue with the Government of Botswana over the following months while they determine their final conclusions in relation to the country visit.

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Stan Chart halts civil servants property loan facility

26th July 2022
Stan-Chart

Standard Chartered Bank Botswana (SCBB) has informed the government that it will not be accepting new loan applications for the Government Employees Motor Vehicle and Residential Property Advance Scheme (GEMVAS and LAMVAS) facility.

This emerges in a correspondence between Acting Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Finance Boniface Mphetlhe and some government departments. In a letter he wrote recently to government departments informing them of the decision, Mphetlhe indicated that the Ministry received a request from the Bank to consider reviewing GEMVAS and LAMVAS agreement.

He said: “In summary SCBB requested the following; Government should consider reviewing GEMVAS and LAMVAS interest rate from prime plus 0.5% to prime plus 2%.” The Bank indicated that the review should be both for existing GEMVAS and LAMVAS clients and potential customers going forward.

Mphetlhe said the Bank informed the Ministry that the current GEMVAS and LAMVAS interest rate structure results into them making losses, “as the cost of loa disbursements is higher that their end collections.”

He said it also requested that the loan tenure for the residential property loans to be increased from 20 to 25 years and the loan tenure for new motor vehicles loans to be increased from 60 months to 72 months.

Mphetlhe indicated that the Bank’s request has been duly forwarded to the Directorate of Public Service Management for consideration, since GEMVAS and LAMVAS is a Condition of Service Scheme. He saidthe Bank did also inform the Ministry that if the matter is not resolved by the 6th June, 2022, they would cease receipt of new GEMVAS and LAMVAS loan applications.

“A follow up virtual meeting was held to discuss their resolution and SCB did confirm that they will not be accepting any new loans from GEMVAS and LAMVAS. The decision includes top-up advances,” said Mphetlhe. He advised civil servants to consider applying for loans from other banks.

In a letter addressed to the Ministry, SCBB Chief Executive Officer Mpho Masupe informed theministry that, “Reference is made to your letter dated 18th March 2022 wherein the Ministry had indicated that feedback to our proposal on the above subject is being sought.”

In thesame letter dated 10 May 2022, Masupe stated that the Bank was requesting for an update on the Ministry’s engagements with the relevant stakeholder (Directorate of Public Service Management) and provide an indicative timeline for conclusion.

He said the “SCBB informs the Ministry of its intention to cease issuance of new loans to applicants from 6th June 2022 in absence of any feedback on the matter and closure of the discussions between the two parties.”  Previously, Masupe had also had requested the Ministry to consider a review of clause 3 of the agreement which speaks to the interest rate charged on the facilities.

Masupe indicated in the letter dated 21 December 2021 that although all the Banks in the market had signed a similar agreement, subject to amendments that each may have requested. “We would like to suggest that our review be considered individually as opposed to being an industry position as we are cognisant of the requirements of section 25 of the Competition Act of 2018 which discourages fixing of pricing set for consumers,” he said.

He added that,“In this way,clients would still have the opportunity to shop around for more favourable pricing and the other Banks, may if they wish to, similarly, individually approach your office for a review of their pricing to the extent that they deem suitable for their respective organisations.”

Masupe also stated that: “On the issue of our request for the revision of the Interest Rate, we kindly request for an increase from the current rate of prime plus 0.5% to prime plus 2%, with no other increases during the loan period.” The Bank CEO said the rationale for the request to review pricing is due to the current construct of the GEMVAS scheme which is currently structured in a way that is resulting in the Bank making a loss.

“The greater part of the GEMVAS portfolio is the mortgage boo which constitutes 40% of the Bank’s total mortgage portfolio,” said Masupe. He saidthe losses that the Bank is incurring are as a result of the legacy pricing of prime plus 0% as the 1995 agreement which a slight increase in the August 2018 agreement to prime plus 0.5%.

“With this pricing, the GEMVAS portfolio has not been profitable to the Bank, causing distress and impeding its ability to continue to support government employees to buy houses and cars. The portfolio is currently priced at 5.25%,” he said.  Masupe said the performance of both the GEMVAS home loan and auto loan portfolios in terms of profitability have become unsustainable for the Bank.

Healso said, when the agreement was signed in August 2018, the prime lending rate was 6.75% which made the pricing in effect at the time sufficient from a profitable perspective. “It has since dropped by a total 1.5%. The funds that are loaned to customers are sourced at a high rate, which now leaves the Bank with marginal profits on the portfolio before factoring in other operational expenses associated with administration of the scheme and after sales care of the portfolio,” said the CEO.

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Botswana ranked 129 in female MPs representation

26th July 2022
Minister of Finance & Economic Development Peggy Serame

The Global Gender Gap Index, a report published by the World Economic Forum annually, has indicated that Botswana is among countries that fare badly when it comes to representation of women in legislative bodies.

The latest Global Gender Gap Index, published last week, benchmarks the current state and evolution of gender parity across four key dimensions (Economic Participation and Opportunity, Educational Attainment, Health and Survival, and Political Empowerment). It is the longest-standing index which tracks progress towards closing these gaps over time since its inception in 2006.

This year, the Global Gender Gap Index benchmarked 146 countries. Of these, a subset of 102 countries have been represented in every edition of the index since 2006, further providing a large constant sample for time series analysis.

Botswana ranks number 66 overall (out of 146 countries), with good rankings in most of the pillars. Botswana ranks 1st in Health and Survival, 7th in the Economic Participation and Opportunity, 22nd in Educational Attainment, and 129th in Political Empowerment.

The Global Gender Gap Index measures scores on a 0 to 100 scale and scores can be interpreted as the distance covered towards parity (i.e. the percentage of the gender gap that has been closed). The cross-country comparisons aim to support the identification of the most effective policies to close gender gaps.

The Economic Participation and Opportunity sub-index contains three concepts: the participation gap, the remuneration gap and the advancement gap. The participation gap is captured using the difference between women and men in labour-force participation rates. The remuneration gap is captured through a hard data indicator (ratio of estimated female-to-male earned income) and a qualitative indicator gathered through the World Economic Forum’s annual Executive Opinion Survey (wage equality for similar work).

Finally, the gap between the advancement of women and men is captured through two hard data statistics (the ratio of women to men among legislators, senior officials and managers, and the ratio of women to men among technical and professional workers).

The Educational Attainment sub-index captures the gap between women’s and men’s current access to education through the enrolment ratios of women to men in primary-, secondary- and tertiary-level education. A longer-term view of the country’s ability to educate women and men in equal numbers is captured through the ratio of women’s literacy rate to men’s literacy rate.

Health and Survival sub-index provides an overview of the differences between women’s and men’s health using two indicators. The first is the sex ratio at birth, which aims specifically to capture the phenomenon of “missing women”, prevalent in countries with a strong son preference. Second, the index uses the gap between women’s and men’s healthy life expectancy.

This measure provides an estimate of the number of years that women and men can expect to live in good health by accounting for the years lost to violence, disease, malnutrition and other factors.
Political Empowerment sub-index measures the gap between men and women at the highest level of political decision-making through the ratio of women to men in ministerial positions and the ratio of women to men in parliamentary positions. In addition, the reported included the ratio of women to men in terms of years in executive office (prime minister or president) for the last 50 years.

In the last general elections, only three women won elections, compared to 54 males. The three women are; Nnaniki Makwinja (Lentsweletau-Mmopane), Talita Monnakgotla (Kgalagadi North), and Anna Mokgethi (Gaborone Bonnington North). Four women were elected through Specially Elected dispensation; Peggy Serame, Dr Unity Dow, Phildah Kereng and Beauty Manake. All female MPs — save Dow, who resigned — are members of the executive.

Overall, Botswana has 63 seats, all 57 elected by the electorates, and six elected by parliament. Early this year, Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) secretary general and Gaborone North MP, Mpho Balopi, successfully moved a motion in parliament calling for increment of elective seats from 57 to 61. Balopi contented that population growth demands the country respond by increasing the number of MPs.

In Africa, Botswana play second fiddle to countries like Rwanda, Namibia, South Africa, Burundi, and Zimbabwe who have better representation of women, with Rwanda being the only country with more than 50 percent of women in parliament.

The low number of women in parliament is attributed to Botswana’s current, electoral system, First-Past-the-Post. During the 9th parliament, then MP for Mahalapye East tabled a motion in parliament in which she sort to increase the number of Specially Elected MPs in parliament to augment female representation in the National Assembly.

The motion was opposed famously, by then Specially Elected MP, Botsalo Ntuane, who said the citizens were not in favour of such a move since it dilute democracy, instead suggesting the Botswana should switch to Proportional-Representation-System. Botswana is currently undergoing Constitutional Review process, with the commission, appointed in December, expected to deliver the report to President Mokgweetsi Masisi by September this year.

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