When Chief Justice Julian Nganunu deliveried his judgement in favour of President Ian Khama in 2009 against Gomolemo Motswaledi, the judgement marked a new beginning which changed the course of Botswana’s politics forever. For the past two years, BMD has been thrown in disarray, with the emergence of two factions threatening not only the existence of BMD as viable political party but also the prospects of Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) attaining power in two years time, writes ALFRED MASOKOLA.
The formation of the Botswana Movement for Democracy (BMD) will remain a centre of debate for many years to come. The political movement was conceived in the wake of the suspension of Gomolemo Motswaledi from the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP). The rising political star had been recently elected secretary general when he collided with party president Lt Gen Ian Khama. In the build-up to the 2009 Kanye Congress, at which Motswaledi was elected the party secretary general, tensions were brewing within the party.
Factions had returned-the Barataphathi, which Motswaledi was a member of had wanted the party to hold central committee elections, meanwhile, Khama’s A-Team preferred a compromise arrangement in which women would be allowed to assume the position unchallenged.
Daniel Kwelagobe, who had retired his secretary general position from the previous congress after serving 27 years, had returned to the fold this time around to contest the party chairmanship. DK became the subject of humiliation from the A- Team faction because he reneged from his earlier promise that he had retired. However, the real battle was between Khama and Motswaledi, the Barataphathi prince. Khama had been at cross roads ever since the 2003 congress, in which against all the odds, Motswaledi, then a Youth Wing chairman, joined a small group of those who stood with Ponatshego Kedikilwe against Vice President Ian Khama for the party chairmanship.
Five years later, when Motswaledi wanted to succeed Khama in the Serowe North West constituency, the former was made to back down. Instead it was Tshekedi Khama, the president’s brother who took over the throne. The 2009 Kanye Congress was a continuation of the Motswaledi/Khama battle, but its aftermath left a ruin in the BDP and set in motion a chain of events which led to the formation of the BMD.
After the victory of the Barataphathi at Kanye, a series of events hastened the hostility in the party. Khama was in control of government, while Barataphathi were in control of the party. The ultimate point came when Motswaledi, two months into his position was slapped with a suspension letter supposedly for defying president Khama’s authority. Motswaledi was suspended for 60 days from the party and re-called as party parliamentary candidate for Gaborone Central. The suspension came after Motswaledi had written to two law firms seeking clarification on whether the party president had powers to make unilateral appointment of sub-committee members without consulting the central committee.
Collins and Newman Law firm responded through newspapers, stating that Khama indeed had powers to do so. Motswaledi wrote back, rebuking Collins and Newman’s Parks Tafa for running the opinion in the newspapers. This ended Motswaledi’s political career at BDP. A few months later, crowds of well wishers left the Court of Appeal with one resolution: to stand by Motswaledi through and through. Immediately after the judgement, Botsalo Ntuane, then Motswaledi’s sympathiser-in-chief had convinced Motswaledi to form a political party. It was a decision taken in the benches of the court.
After a few months later, BMD was born; it was the new kid in the block and immediately assumed the position of main opposition in parliament. Many theories have been said about the party but, its break through transformed the politics of Botswana, either for better or for worse. Many have said the party would not survive the politics of opposition, but the party has stayed to live, for seven years now. Part of the BMD legacy, which will stay forever is that for the first time in the history of Botswana, BDP experienced a split which weakened the party. BDP had been for years a major beneficiary of fragmented opposition parties.
EMERGENCE OF FACTIONS IN BMD
BMD is party which is a product of BDP factionalism. The suspension of Motswaledi from the party and barring him from contesting for parliamentary constituency was the turning point. Motswaledi’s court loss was met with a new five year suspension from the party. When announcing his resignation from the party in 2010, Motswaledi said he had to fight “what looked like a five-year sentence, while in fact was a 10 year sentence.” The five years suspension meant that Motswaledi would have not been eligible to participate in the 2013 party primary elections, ruling him out of the possibility of running for a parliament seat until 2019.
Ndaba Gaolathe, then Motswaledi’s campaign manager published an article in newspapers in which he condemned the party’s decision to suspend Motswaledi. Gaolathe said the decision was not in line with what the party stood for and that the decision was taken in bad faith. Meanwhile Botsalo Ntuane who chaired the committee which oversaw the formation of BMD, and later became its Vice President was of the view that after the 2009 Kanye Congress, the victory of democrats was sabotaged and undermined at every turn. He contended that the BDP had abandoned faith in democracy.
In the formative stages of BMD Ntuane never stopped insisting how BMD was important to the future politics of Botswana, and that if there was ever to be any change of government, BMD would be central to all the events. The former Gaborone South West legislator was then the leader of opposition. Ntuane has since returned to BDP and is not part of the boiling pot currently brewing at the party.
At the centre of the controversy lies party chairman Nehemiah Modubule and secretary general Gilbert Mangole while the other side of the divide is party president Ndaba Gaolathe and his deputy Wynter Mmolotsi. The two factions have failed to reconcile. The fire was stoked by the presence of former party spokesperson; Sidney Pilane who has since self declared his return to the party, defying an earlier resolution by party president, Gaolathe that his membership will only be dealt with at next year’s party congress. A liberal BMD constitution, which vests more powers on the party’s National Executive Committee (NEC), has made it difficult for the party to resolve the impasse as NEC members remain divided.
The adoption of a liberal constitution by BMD at the 2011 Inaugural Congress was motivated by the manner in which the late party leader, Motswaledi was suspended by President Lt Gen Dr Ian Khama Seretse Khama from his position as BDP Secretary General in 2009, a few weeks after being elected into the position at the party congress. Pilane is the chief architect of BMD’s constitution. Gaolathe, who formed part of the inaugural NEC as National Policy Director became party president following the untimely death of Motswaledi in July 2014. Prior to assuming the presidency, Gaolathe had served as Motswaledi’s deputy. Pilane quit the party in 2012, a year after being defeated by Motswaledi for the party leadership at the party’s inaugural congress.
BMD president, Gaolathe had insisted previously that the process which was adopted to grant Pilane membership was unconstitutional since his earlier application at Gaborone North was rejected. Pilane would later be granted membership at Mochudi West branch after being abetted by party secretary general, Gilbert Mangole to do so. Pilane’s BMD return talks started making rounds in 2015 ahead of the BMD Youth League congress held in Mochudi where it was reported that he had funded the team which emerged victorious.
It was also reported that the BMD founding member was on the verge of return to the party and also eyeing the party presidency. Pilane however ruled out the possibilities of him returning to politics, only to announce his arrival later. Pilane was later listed as one of the negotiators representing BMD at the cooperation talks, something which Gaolathe/Mmolotsi faction opposed. The Gaolathe faction pushed for a special congress last year, despite winning support in 29 branches, the Modubule/Mangole faction controlled NEC rejected special congress on the basis that due process was not properly done. The Gaolathe faction is of the view that the Modubule/Mangole faction feared facing the wrath of party members are playing delaying tactics.
Last week, at the eleventh hour, the part NEC took a decision to postpone the Youth League elections billed for that weekend in Ramotswa. In another factional bout, the Mangole/Modubule faction diverted another contest but reasoned that the decision was taken after fears that the youth league would not have enough delegates to form a quorum. The Gaolathe/Mmolotsi faction did not buy that reason and insisted that, again it was another ploy to avoid defeat by the team. The Gaolathe/Mmolotsi team went ahead and held the congress where the new youth league was elected. However, the Modubule/ Mangole faction had insisted the congress was unconstitutional, referring to it “a wasteful gathering of friends.” Modubule has threatened to suspend those who attended the congress for bringing the party into disrepute.
IMPLICATIONS ON OPPOSITION COOPERATION
BMD forms a vital cog in the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC). After the 2014 general elections, of the 17 elected UDC MPs, nine of them belonged to BMD (that was before Kgosi Tawana Moremi tendered his resignation). The UDC project is mainly attributed to hard work of Duma Boko, the Botswana National Front (BNF) President and Motswaledi who passed away a few months ahead of the 2014 general elections. In the run up to those elections, Gaolathe was Boko’s vice presidential candidate and also party secretary general.
One school of thought opines that the Gaolathe/Mmolotsi faction is also not happy with the gains of the BMD in the new UDC set-up following the arrival of Botswana Congress Party (BCP). They have since rubbished those claims. Meanwhile on the side of factional divide, Pilane and co are content with the gains of the BMD. A new deal insists that the position held at UDC was given to parties not individuals, which means, Gaolathe’s vice presidency is subject to him retaining the BMD presidency in July. Mangole and Modubule have announced at a press briefing earlier this week that they have lost confidence in Gaolathe.
Earlier last year, BNF senior figure and legislator for Molepolole North, Mohammed Khan warned UDC that BDP is alive to the fact that opposition parties are in pole position to take over power in the next general elections, and therefore will do everything to frustrate them. Khan was vying for the party vice presidency when he told this publication last year that already there were efforts made to infiltrate opposition parties and cause some sort of instability including by luring members with attractive packages to have them dump their parties. The Molepolole North legislator expressed that the UDC leadership should intervene in the ongoing BMD internal wars for the sake of protecting the mother party.
“At leadership level UDC should intervene with the bigger picture in mind. We are all UDC, people don’t care about BNF, BMD, BPP (Botswana Peoples Party) or BCP (Botswana Congress Party) because they will be voting UDC,” he said. “If the leadership does not intervene, the matter might get out of control and as a result hurting the UDC electoral success in 2019. I have experienced this situation before and I will be able to help.” However Boko has chosen not to intervene in the matter preferring to allow the party to sort itself out. Boko has said BMD is going through a normal process like any party and will pass through that phase.
On the other side, BOFEPUSU have been on the receiving end of the Modubule/Mangole faction, who said their appearance at BMD YL congress in Ramotswa over the weekend was interference in the internal affairs of the BMD. BOFEPUSU Secretary for Labour, Johnson Motshwarakgole and Deputy Secretary General Ketlhalefile Motshegwa were present at the congress. It is reported that BOFEPUSU has pledged to support Gaolathe and his team.
Stanbic Bank Botswana Quarterly Economic Review indicates that Botswana will fail to meet some of its Vision 2036 targets, particularly unemployment reduction and reaching high-income status.
The report says this is mainly due to the slow economic growth that the country is currently experiencing. This Quarterly Economic Review focuses on the 2020 Budget Speech.
The first paper reviews the entire budget with its key observations being that this budget is prepared as prescribed by the Public Finance Management Act; the priorities it seeks to address are drawn from Vision 2036 and the eleventh
The 2020 budget Speech, which was the maiden speech by the Minister of Finance and Economic Development, Dr. Thapelo Matsheka, and the first after the 2019 general elections, was delivered to Parliament on the 4th of February 2020.
It has been well received by the labour unions, business community, and the public at large as well as international organisations such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
It mainly derived its support from key facets including, emphasis on changing the business-as-usual approach to development; outlining the transformation agenda; fiscal reform that minimizes the negative impact on economic development and human welfare, competiveness and the decision to implement the 2019 negotiated and agreed public sector.
The budget’s progress review shows that economic growth was consistent with the NDP 11 projections, with growth of around 4 percent. At this growth rate, the country would neither ascend to a high-income status nor reduce unemployment towards the Vision 2036 target of a single digit.
Simple calculations of this review confirm that the economy will need to grow the Vision 2036’s target of 6 percent over the next 16 years for per capita income to increase from around USD 8,000.00 to above USD 12,000.00 in current prices.
Further, the population is anticipated to grow by only 2 percent per annum.
For this reason, the focal areas for the forthcoming FY’s budget include measures to increase economic growth towards an average of 6 percent per annum.
Economic diversification is reportedly progressing fairly well. The report says, the share of the non-mining private sector in value added has risen to 66 percent in 2018 from to 63 percent in 2015.
The sectoral pattern of growth showed that the performance of services sector (particularly transport & communications, trade, hotels & restaurants, and finance & business services) has been the silver lining and that of mining sector was subdued whilst the utility sector disappointed.
The drive towards the service sector of the economy, especially to low-productivity activities (tourism, public administration, wholesaling and retailing) does not bode well for the country’s development aspirations.
In the previous versions of this Quarterly Review, it was noted that there is need for the rethinking of economic diversification. Since the country’s domestic market is small, it is inevitable that economic diversification not only focus on broadening the product mix, but also the composition of exports and markets.
This understanding of economic diversification has not been embraced by this year’s budget. Consequently, Botswana’s exports are still overwhelmingly diamonds, which means that the rest of economic sectors are still highly dependent on foreign-exchange earnings from diamonds. Thus, “the transformation programme requires a review of the country’s entire ecosystem”.
The budget review of the economic context also depicts that an economy with positive medium-term prospects, with growth expected to recover to 4.4 percent in 2020 from the expected growth of 36 percent in 2019 largely due to faster growth of services sectors and, thereafter, to slow-down to 4 percent in 2021.
These projected growth rates are comparable to those of the IMF staff’s baseline scenario of 4.2 percent in 2020 and 4 percent in 2021. Thus, the business-as-usual scenario produces growth rates that are still too low to achieve Botswana’s development objectives and create enough jobs to absorb the new entrants into the labour market.
Trade tensions between the two major markets for diamond exports, viz., the United States of America and China, is one of the factors that are cited as contributing to, indeed, undermining not only the domestic growth, but also the fiscal position.
Another notable downside risk to both global and domestic growth is outbreak of the coronavirus in China around January 2020. This has been declared as a global health emergency. In an attempt to contain the spread of the novel coronavirus pneumonia, the Chinese authorities have ordered city lockdowns and extended holidays, of course, at the expense of near- term economic growth, according to the new Stanbic Bank Botswana report.
According to Nomura Holdings Inc., fewer migrant workers returned for work than in previous years and business activities have been slow to pick up. The havoc wreaked by the virus on the world’s second largest economy is likely to spill over to the global economy. In fact, it has resulted in a glut in crude oil and, thereby placed oil markets into a contango, i.e., a market structure where near-term prices trade at a discount to future contracts.
It also presents significant risks one of Botswana’s main drivers of economic growth, diversification and foreign exchange earnings. According to the Financial Times (February 13, 2020), Chinese tourists spent $130 billion overseas in 2018. Regardless of whether the growth materializes, the projected domestic growth rate would not transform the economy to a high-income one.
Progress towards reduction of unemployment, to a target of single digit, and poverty and achieving inclusive growth has also been relatively slow, the Stanbic Bank Botswana Review says.
Ministry of Presidential Affairs, Governance and Public Administration (MOPAGPA) has through the Office of the President (OP) proposed to avail Orapa House for use by private training institutions as well as research institutions involved in the area of technology development.
For a very long time the monumental building located in the heart of the city has been a white elephant, despite government purchasing it for nearly P80 million from De Beers in 2012.
However, government has now identified a productive use for the iconic building. “The overall vision is for the building to be transformed into a hub for digital technology research and development to be carried-out by institutions, such as; Limkokwing University, BIUST, BITRI and other relevant stakeholders.”
The decision was taken as government traverse a new path of transforming the economy from a mineral led economy to a knowledge based economy through the promotion of research and innovation. However, the facility will need major maintenance to be carried-out in order to meet the requirements of the proposed change in use.
“The work will include provision of laboratories, work stations, production areas and seminar rooms; audio visual centre, high speed internet connectivity, exhibition areas and offices,” reads the proposal note for the development.
These developments will be done through the refurbishment and maintenance of the main building, workshop, and ablution block, gate house, parking area, grounds, and access control and security service.
“There will be minimal modifications to the structure as it stands. The project is estimated to cost approximately P50, 000, 000,” says the report. In this regard, it is said, the initial scope of the OP facility will be modified to accommodate the envisaged digital technology research and development hub.
With funds needed to improve the building, OP has requested that; “the 2020/21 annual budget provision for Orapa House will need to be increased by P37,500,000 from P2,500,000 to P40,000,000 to kick start the maintenance works.” Funds will be sourced from the projects that have been delayed due to Covid-19 protocols during the 2020/21 financial year.
The building has been a thorny issue for government for years. Initially, OP was expected to move there but the move never materialised. At one point it was a question of whether the Office of the President and the Ministry of Finance and Economic Development were planning to override a decision by Parliament which rejected the proposal to buy Orapa House under the belief that government may be buying its own property. The building was to be bought at a negotiated cost of P79 million.
Again in 2012, Government had wanted to buy Orapa House for a negotiated P79m but the Finance and Estimates Committee of Parliament had rejected the request because of the inconsistencies realised in the supporting documents of the proposed procurement. The valuation of the building was put at P74 million.
The Ministry of Lands and Housing had initially offered De Beers P73, 000,000 as the purchase price. However, De Beers countered with P85, 000,000. On negotiation and converging of the minds, the selling price was finally agreed at P79, 000,000.
Auditor General, Pulane Letebele, has expressed discontentment at the worrying and deteriorating state of brigades in the country.
In an audit inspection which was carried out at Tshwaragano Brigade in Gabane, a number of observations showed weaknesses and shortcomings in the conduct of the financial affairs of the institution.
According to Letebele’s report, former students of the brigade had been engaged to carry out maintenance works on the school premises, comprising of painting, tiling, plumbing and electrical works, which covered the period from July 2017 to June 2018.
Although the agreed maintenance period had elapsed, the works had not been completed because of unavailability of funds and this situation had persisted up till the time of inspection in November 2019.
Auditor General says arrangements should have been made in time for funds to be available to complete these relatively minor works even before the works commenced.
Various contractors had been engaged for clearing the bush and for the supply of concrete stones, pit and river sand and hiring equipment for digging the trench towards the construction of an auto mechanics workshop, the report said.
It stated that the cost of services and supplies provided totalled P117 949.80. However, despite the services and the supplies having been paid for, the construction works had not commenced for a long period afterwards, resulting in the trench filling back in.
The audit inquiries had not elicited satisfactory responses as both the institution and the Ministry had not accepted the responsibility for the project, although orders for the provision for the supplies had been made. For their part, the Ministry had stated that they had sub warranted funds for the purchase of porta cabins.
Letebele indicated that it is therefore confusing that a project which is critical to the functioning of an institution such as this one would commence without a well-defined plan.
Furthermore, the accounting and maintenance of records for the supplies items were not of the standard prescribed by the Supplies Regulations and Procedures in that the supplies ledger cards, the main accounting records for Government assets, were not properly maintained for the recording of receipts and issues.
This had resulted in significant discrepancies between physical and ledger balances, while in other instances the supplies items had not been recorded at all.
The report says 24 of the 91 new computers found in the computer laboratory at Kumakwane ABC campus were not recorded anywhere, as were the other computers in the storeroom which could not be counted due to the disorderly storage conditions.
The institution had entered into a contract agreement with a security company for the provision of security services at Tshwaragano Brigade, ABC and Horticulture campuses at Kumakwane for a 2-year period which ended in June 2018, WeekendPost learnt.
After the contract expired in June 2018, an extension was granted till the 30th September 2018. Since then, there has been no security service coverage for the institution to-date. According to Auditor General, in the face of prevailing crimes, it is of paramount importance that government properties be protected by provision of security services at all times.
At Tlokweng Brigade, it was noted that the kitchen staff were working under difficult conditions as the kitchen facilities and equipment, such as the cold room, tilting pot, food warmers and solar power for hot water were dysfunctional. The kitchen roof was leaking and men’s restrooms was not working. All these need to be brought to a reasonable and functional state of repair.
The kitchen staff should use a purpose-designed Rations Ledger for the recording of receipts and issues of foodstuffs to reflect the usage of those items. As far back as 2014 the Department of Buildings and Engineering Services had found that the house occupied by the bursar was uninhabitable on account of structural defects, the report said.
A site visit during the audit had established that the house was indeed unfit for occupation as there were cracks on the walls, power switches were not working and the roof was leaking. On a sadder note, there were a number of finished items of clothing, such as dresses, shirts, and jackets from students’ practical exercises from the Fashion Design Textiles Workshop.
Auditor General shared her take on this, saying: “I have not been able to ascertain the policy on the disposal of products from these practicals. A trace of 103 green acid-proof overalls which had been purchased in August 2018 had indicated that there was no record of these items having been recorded or issued, nor were they available in stock. I was not able to obtain any explanation for this situation.”
Kgatleng brigade was also audited and inspected by Auditor General who observed that the brigade has 26 institutional houses at Bokaa, both old campus and new campus. Some of these houses are very old and dilapidated, with two declared uninhabitable. The condition of the houses is a clear indication of lack of care and maintenance of these properties.
At the time of the audit, there was no contractor engaged for the provision of security guard services at the new campus, after expiry of the previous one in July 2019. It is hoped that steps would be taken to safeguard the security of the premises and government properties against any acts of hooliganism.
In August 2019, there was a break-in at the electrical and at the plumbing maintenance workshops and a number of high value items, such as drilling machines, bolt cutters, spanners and cables, were stolen. The break-in and theft were reported to the police.
“However, at the time of writing this report I was not aware of the outcome of the police investigation, nor of any loss report submitted in terms of the Supplies Regulations and Procedures,” Letebele said.