Privatization War in Botswana: Rally against Crony Capitalism
Opinions
Teedzani Thapelo
In this article novelist, historian and poet, Teedzani Thapelo*, puts a new twist to BDP privatization strategy arguing that a rigged process of private acquisition can only result in harmful actions like asset stripping leading to massive loss of jobs, and that this thing cannot succeed in a political system already grappling with instability of public revenues, an economy in bad shape, and a departing corrupt political class.
Such a process, he says, is hardly an answer to underinvestment at a time when commercial banks are struggling to keep market friendly relations with Batswana, and that only Asian capital can benefit from vastly unfair contractual agreements, that will ultimately seriously erode our political freedoms and prospects for growth in the long-term
In a previous articles I argued against BDP privatization of public sector enterprises like Air Botswana, Botswana Meat Commission, Botswana Railways, and many others. I don’t want to repeat my objections here. My present bone of contention is anchored on several observations. First, BDP can only implement a rigged privatization process designed to maximize the amount of money Ian Khama, Mokgweetsi Masisi, and their cabinet ministers, can appropriate for themselves.
Not even BDP supporters in the rural areas are going to benefit anything from this process. Botswana workers should not even dream of getting a share. Second, no efficiency gains will accrue to the economy since the process is going to benefit individuals, and not the treasury. Third, value chain investment will be relinquished to Indians, Chinese, and other BDP foreign friends. All this, of course, assumes a small dose of economic sense in their privatization project. The worst that can happen, and, knowing these people, is that, the new owners of these privatized firms are not going to use them to expand industry, and create jobs. Instead, they will find a better incentive to strip assets, and destroy our small industrial base.
Furthermore, Batswana must realize that privatization at all costs is going to destroy our fragile economy, and this, surprisingly, is the road BDP proposes to pursue. The first victims of this madness will be Batswana workers, and immediately thereafter, small businesses, and alongside that, the entire economy, and Batswana as a whole. These people want to create another Zimbabwe in Botswana, another Zimbabwe in SADC.
Does this make sense? Should such a thing be allowed to proceed? Privatization is only good if it is designed to be an effective force for economic growth. BDP privatization, on the other hand, is simply going to result in decline. If anything, it is going to be a powerful force for undermining confidence in democratic, and market, institutions, diminishing, in the process, prospects for foreign investment in the economy. Is this what Batswana want? Are we really that stupid?
Let me explain. What are the fault lines in BDP privatization process? First, false assumptions. I want to debunk the orthodoxy that private property rights here are clearly defined, and BDP new owners of privatized corporations will have sufficient incentive to ensure that the assets are efficiently managed. Fact of the matter is Ian Khama has more than compromised the integrity of the judiciary; which is the bedrock of private property, and fundamental freedoms, and individual rights, he has, in fact, destroyed it. We can no longer trust his judicial appointees to safeguard the interests of Batswana. Our judiciary has been turned into a thieving arm of BDP self-interest.
Like in Zimbabwe, they will always do what it takes to please their BDP masters. Mokgweetsi Masisi is going to make sure they play to his flute, the way Khama did. Once we allow this process to take-off we might as well forget about reversing it through the legal process. This is war, pure, and simple. In Zimbabwe at one point things got so tragic, so hilariously ridiculous, that Mugabe appointed a night watchman, one Chimbote, if I remember the name well, to replace the Chief Justice. Batswana must understand that in Africa the law remains a stable public safeguard only so far as primary patriotism is on its side. Once the looters are in control, the law means nothing. The law is an easy instrument to disarm.
We failed to defend our judges, and the judiciary, against Ian Khama. How can we expect to win a war against vested class economic interests, backed by hot Asian, and Arab petro-dollar money? I see now even the Japanese are coming in to assist BDP in this horrible game of thievery. It’s hopeless to think judges who have already been cowed into submission by BDP can take the side of citizens in the future. A compromised judiciary is like a desperate prostitute; it provides service with bad temper, and administers justice in favour of sleaze.
It might appear we have an appropriate legal structure to guard against harmful actions like asset stripping, but the reality is that under BDP privatization everything is negotiable, and bribes, and intimidation, speak louder than moral rectitude. Political indignation alone will not be enough to reverse BDP privatization. Only a new government can do that, and even then, it will still take long before new capital, and entrepreneurship, can create new industries, and jobs. This is why I say BDP privatization should not be allowed in the first place. The other problem is BDP ideas to cope with problems of underinvestment are not only economically unsound, but outright politically suspect. In the previous articles I wrote about timing, sequencing, and pacing of the process of privatization, and showed why BDP has no interest in these serious aspects of successful, and long-term beneficial, privatization. Today I want to argue about the foreign element in BDP privatization strategy.
Perhaps, I should start by clarifying one thing. Batswana are now agreed, and the world can easily see, that, within BDP, state enterprises are regarded as modern versions of traditional Tswana cattle posts. For fifty years BDP has used them both to shore up its political fortunes, and create a middle class aligned, sympathetic, and loyal to the ruling party, and its political ideology. As the cattle industry kept on falling behind in development, BDP moved its political cadres, and mostly the bastard, and biological, children of its senior members into parastatals. Lovers, concubines, and loyal foreigners, have also long been strategically placed there to protect BDP economic interests.
It is therefore not surprising to observers like me that at the point of its political departure from public space BDP should try so hard to loot, and destroy, these parastatals. They regard them as part of their economic inheritance; ba tsaya meraka ya bone. They are jealous of a new, different, party, a new political generation, moving into what they consider to be private property. This attitude is typically African; a sickening, and rotten, Tswana mentality, an apparent psychological difficulty to square the imperative exigency of political modernity. Anthropological research has long demonstrated that the simple-minded African always reverts to the niceties of past forms of accumulation the moment he realizes that the new system of politics he has just embraced; in this case, democratic-republican politics, all of a sudden seems to be a threat to his own life, and personal fortunes. Jannong ke mang yo o santseng a dumela go re batho ba madomkrag ba thabologile?
They also worry about the future of their children, and grandchildren, who have up to now, survived on these modern BDP versions of meraka, and other centres of power like Radio Botswana, BTV, and DIS, even certain positions in the military. Finally, there are those within the BDP who are determined not to take the impending road to political oblivion, and a life of poverty, and misery, without looting provisions for that fatal destiny; ba tsaya mofako. Former Gambian leader, Jammeh, is not the only greedy African politician who found it necessary to loot the treasury before running into the political wilderness.
We have in the BDP our own thousands of Jammehs, and if we don’t stop them we should not complain tomorrow when we find our nation destitute. Batswana are now paying a heavy price for allowing this country to be run by cattlemen and their herd boys for such an unconscionable long period of time. But it is not too late. We can still rescue the situation, and make sure Botswana does not revert to past barbarian forms of capital accumulation; that the country continues in the path of democratization of all spheres of public life in our young republic.
The French experience provides refreshing assurance to all our national democratic warriors. Recently elected French president, Emmanuel Macron, has just accomplished an amazing political feat. He managed not only to destabilize, and destroy, the main political parties, in that country-parties that had morphed into daylight corrupt classes enamoured to a culture of dry political emptiness, but also ushered into the French republic, new political personnel, a new diversity of political ideas, a completely new political machine, a new validation of political candidature, and a new political force for France.
What remains to be seen is whether he will now deliver a new interpretation of republican political tools and values, an entirely new political culture, and capital, a new validation of political decisions, and process, and a new sense of French patriotism, and national pride. This young man is only thirty-nine years old. He now leads a parliament whose average age is forty-eight. If young people can do so well in France, the country that gave the whole world democracy, and republicanism, in the first place, why should our own children not do the same here? Come on, don’t disappoint us! You are just as well educated. Like the French, Batswana youth are passionate politicians. Don’t allow your republic, your country, to die. This country is still very rich land, and the future belongs to you. Why are you silent, when BDP has already declared war on society?
Our response to this war by governors should, I think, start with vehement opposition to privatization, and emasculation of labour rights, power, economic security, and constant mobilization, and vigilance, against the depredations of unruly international capital. In recent years the face of international capital in our country has progressively, and disastrously, turned oriental; that is, Indian, Chinese, and Arabian. White South African capital, mostly concentrated in retail and construction for many years, and some few but influential portions of the rural economy; mostly the cattle industry, is retreating home, and BDP, now controlled by Asians, is assisting its departure, through overt intimidation, and outright political pressure. So if we privatize, who is going to finance that process? BDP, and Asians.
And where is the money going to come from? Chinese banks, Indian Banks, and petro-dollar Arab Kings, and their spoiled children. Already this is an alarming pattern. The same money that raised Osama Bin Landen and company, incubated, and gave birth to, modern terrorism, and continues to advance the ideology of radical Islamic fundamentalism, is going to be diverted to Botswana to finance privatization, and looting, of our public assets.
Since this process involves so few corrupt people, it is hard to establish if any jobs are going to be created, if the economy is going to grow strong, and if so, how long this is going to take before it busts, leading to a Zimbabwe style tragic economic meltdown, and national ruin. It is hard to figure out what is going to happen to the thousands of Batswana who lose jobs, and social security. It is hard to estimate the economic damage resulting from a rapid influx of hot money into and out of the country.
The only thing that is certain is that such a rigged process of privatization is going to lead to political crisis, and social chaos. The streets are going to be the only places where such issues are discussed, further compounding the crisis. Batswana will lose faith in the political process. Is this what we want? We must remember the unemployed are people, with families, whose lives are affected, sometimes devastated, by continued lack of opportunities, and continued absence of incentives to strive above the bare threshold of survival networks, and that, already we have far too many such people in our country; just what is going to happen to them? A privatization process that benefit Indians and Chinese, is nothing but a murder weapon to all these people.
Our political system is already grappling with instability of public revenues, the economy is in a bad shape, and I just wonder; what is going to happen after these foreigners start packing up their bags, and living this mess to us, the fools who benefitted nothing from such a rigged process of private accumulation. Rich BDP members already own houses in European capitals and Middle East capitals. They are learning Chinese. Most already speak Indian languages. Our Kids still speak Setswana, have a hard time learning English, and no chance in hell of ever owning houses, and homes, in Botswana. Ah, Batswana. Would it not make better sense to make our own children, our own people, the focus of any privatization process?
As I write Asian banks entering our market are already squelching the domestic market. Yes, the banks they find here are not local but we have worked with them for years but now the entrants, awash with hot cash, some of it suspect, are attracting depositors away from these banks. Small businesses, and farmers used to get loans from these banks but now they don’t make much money, and even prospective house buyers have a hard time accessing credit. Bank of Botswana interest rate policy now works against the interests of banks that are struggling to keep market friendly relations with Batswana.
Look at these new banks, and you find BDP members are working there, making money through them, abandoning banks that made this country what it is today. After abandoning banks they will also abandon those Batswana who remain behind. Madomkrag are working hard to be Asians; like Robert Mugabe, Jacob Zuma, and their families, Madomkrag are working for future life in India, China, and the Arab world, eating rice, noodles, and drinking green tea, sitting on Persian rugs. What about us?
I know people out there who do not believe these things are actually happening, people who think BDP is fighting a colossal battle against political corruption, and I have bad news for you. This is baloney, absolute rubbish, hogwash. BDP policy is to overlook grand larceny, and take a strong stand on petty theft. Steal a needle at a government office, and the entire anti-corruption machinery will come tumbling on you like a tonne of bricks, and let a cabinet minister or one of those well-connected to political royalty steal millions, and everybody at Government Enclave will pat the chap on the back, giggle nervously, and start asking where he is thinking of retiring, and how often he intends to start pumping grease on the backsides of poor Batswana girls who need money for schools fees and rent.
In other democracies knowing what government is doing is regarded as an essential part of government accountability. Sadly that’s not the case here. Who knows what government is doing here? Not many people, certainly not more than a thousand people. Yet, knowing what government actually does is a right, and not a favour conferred by government. I share this information to help mature our political system, and public processes. But I know BDP will impugn me. Not that I care much about that, unless of course they kill me, in which case I will even care less.
To stave off a bad, premature, badly managed, privatization, let’s work hard to keep this thing off the political agenda of the BDP now, and throughout the coming elections. Under any circumstances, privatization is a difficult task fraught with risks, enormous risks. Under BDP, and the tutelage of heartless Asian money, privatization can only destroy Botswana. BDP is ready, and prepared, to bear the risks of privatization, to benefit a bunch of well-connected foreign nationals; not even Botswana private investors. Does this make economic sense? They are ready, and prepared, to live up to vastly unfair contractual agreements, with foreign looters, so long as the greasing of bureaucratic wheels-to the great advantage of all other Batswana-goes on smoothly. Have Batswana ever wondered why it is so easy for Indians and Chinese extract special privileges from the BDP government? This practice badly distorts market incentives.
It undermines democratic procedure, and process. Why do we allow it? What is so special about these Asians? Their investments do not promote growth. Chinese shoes, Indian loaves of bread…come on! Even Jesus, the Son of Nazareth, could do better than this. Also Asian investments remain stubbornly insensitive to the broader social context. These people abuse, and exploit, Batswana, on a routine, daily basis, with appalling impunity. Why then do we tolerate them so much? Why is BDP sleeping with them? Real incomes in rural Botswana have plummeted because of Asian businesses, and the social costs of this deprivation are huge. In fact we no longer have a middle class in the rural economy. This places an intolerable burden on our small cities. Why do we allow these things to happen?
With incomes and wages falling, and unemployment soaring, aren’t we creating volatile grounds for urban violence? It must be remembered that when government abrogates the social contract, the very thing that binds us together as Batswana, and binds us to the government of the day, then citizens may, out of wounded political consciences, not honour this contract, with each other, and with the government, resulting in chaos. Is this what we want? I don’t think so. But all appearances are that BDP remains unfazed. Nothing disturbs their equanimity. Why are these people so arrogantly self-assured? It is obvious they know something that we don’t. They scoff at our anxieties, and laugh at our misery. Now we are cold lazy people. We don’t know how to steal well. We deserve to be laughed. Time will come when Batswana decide to repay these sordid attitudes in kind, and what then? China is not going to welcome every Motswana carrying BDP membership card. India has long declared war on its own citizens through a marvellous policy of poverty embellishment.
My sociology professor at the London School of Economics and Political Science taught us that part of the social contract entails fairness; that the poor share in the gains of society as it grows, and that the rich share in the pains of society in times of crisis-a simple enough political principle to remember for a lifetime. But here the poor shared nothing in times of prosperity, and now the rich are migrating to China, of all the places in this crazy world, in times of crisis. What is wrong with us! Just two million people, in a frightfully huge, and enormously rich, country, and we can’t live together. Surely, there must be something awfully wrong with our government. That much is self-evident. I will not place any blame on economics.
We all know even under the best circumstances possible, a rising tide does not lift all the boats. No economic policy can ever enrich all the people. But politics can level the playfield, and shield the weak from the strong, the poor from the rich, and that is where we need each other. But madomkrag want to eat alone, and when things get really bad, migrate to Saudi Arabia, and other exotic oriental capitals…well, let them go. But never make the mistake of financing their departure. They have crimes at home to pay for; all in good time. This sordid political game of theirs will end in tears, on their part, and triumph, on the part of those now suffering, and, of course, the common national good.
There is need on our part to despair. Hope, we must never forget, is a political concept; perhaps the only political idea that hedge all suffering humanity against fatalism, and political cowardice that often results in the triumph of evil in society. We have got these people where we want them; the wrong side of the law. Our duty is to exact public revenge, and this is something we must teach our children. It is a moral duty. The strongest political tool available to us is the electoral process, and the numbers are on our side. The youth, who BDP has bruised, brutalized, neglected, humiliated, and thrown to the worst possible economic wilderness, are on our side; a strong enough energy to burn down any house in no time. Victory is certain. But we must know what we are going to do with political power. As Joseph Stigliz, to me the most famous Nobel Economics laureate of the previous century, often argues, in his famous international lectures; ‘the essence of freedom is the right to make a choice-and to accept the responsibility that comes with it.’
Let us not repeat in our country the foolishness of the Russians, who forfeited both political freedom, and economic prosperity, through a ridiculously flawed, and politically rigged, mass privatization experiment. In that country privatization decimated a precariously rising middle class, and implanted a terrifying system of crony and mafia capitalism. The entire emerging democratic culture was devastated. Press freedom was destroyed, and the rights of revolting citizens trampled upon to such an extent the country is now not at all different from the Stalinist totalitarianism of the past. Authoritarian political excesses have become a norm in that ill-fated country. Incomes have deteriorated, drastically. Poverty remains a haunting spectre in the lives of citizens.
More than twenty years later this damage stubbornly refuses to be repaired. Political and social instability are on the rise. The future remains cloudy, bleak, and uncertain, and poor Russia has no way of running a controlled experiment, going back in time to try an alternative strategy. This is the sort of disastrous, and frightfully, political cocktail that BDP madness is hell-bent on visiting upon us in this country. What Batswana must understand is that certain political and economic judgement calls have already been made, and these being survivalist strategies, BDP cannot reverse them. The evil they intend doing must see the light of day. They are fully committed to mortgaging this country to foreigners. Never mind what they say in public.
We live on land that is being auctioned on a daily basis. Most of these things are already now in the open; for those like me who want to see. Other Batswana may choose to bury their heads in the sand, and hope evil will not triumph but this is not going to stop the vultures from feeding on the carcass that is dying Botswana. BDP is going to ignore the advice of scholars knowledgeable in our history, economics, and society. They are going to circumvent what laws are in force, if not break them outright, just so they can put into private hands a whole array of major industries. There is already a radical change in how economic decisions are made. The nation, and the people, no longer matter.
We must expect an enormous reallocation, and redeployment, of resources, from certain sectors to areas where financial leakage is possible, and difficult, to detect; especially the mining and energy sectors. Already certain types of public professionals are being weeded out through arbitrary registration. This is a grand, secretive, strategy, to create a BDP-Asians dominated parallel economy, a black market that will benefit select BDP tycoons, and their families, after 2019. BDP simply intends to replace government monopoly of public assets with a cabal of select, and highly favoured, private monopoly. Forget all the twaddle about promoting a burst of economic output, promoting youth entrepreneurship, and social transformation.
Sure, there is going to be a new kind of entrepreneurship; a kind of entrepreneurship that is good at circumventing government rules and laws, new enterprises that are going to help redeploy resources that had previously been inefficiently used, in the direction of BDP beneficiaries through hook and crook. Give them the vote in 2019, and wholesale auctioning of Botswana will begin in earnest. As I write we know thousands of BDP chaps who are already millionaires, and nobody knows where, and how they got this wealth. But the paper trail is becoming clearer to interested investigators, and serious journalists. The patterns of political corruption are unfolding, and becoming obvious to all. Only fear prevents people from speaking out. But, is fear going to pay your bills? Is fear going to help you educate your children?
Quick privatization is a dangerous thing. It creates a huge number of people interested in capitalism, and if they have a corrupt machine to climb to the top, like the BDP, nobody can stop them from looting like greedy children. This is what is happening in Botswana. There is a difference between creating new industries, and exploiting bad government policies to get rich overnight. No man should become rich without working for his wealth. But at BDP you just join the choir, acquire an addiction for bowel irritating foods, and wallah; you are on the way to affluence. Not even the most heretical economists can approve of this behaviour. Batswana, it is our moral duty to restrain, investigate, and punish, these people; not vote them into political office again.
They are children. No adult, mature, serious, people, can do this to their own country. In Africa only Nigerians and Zimbabweans are professionals in working the hardest they can to destroy their own country, and further impoverish their fellow citizens for generations. Now we have joined them. Where is this wickedness, this satanic demonism, coming from? If other people want to live like savages is it necessary to follow their example, without knowing what motivates them? I finish this article before going to watch what remains of the Sir Ketumile Masire Memorial Service on TV, a man whose politics I strongly disapproved, but could find little to fault in his patriotic affection for his country, and its people. It would help if BDP members took a leaf from the history of this man, and start reflecting just a little, and maybe, just maybe, you mind find it in your dark hearts that there is still something about this beautiful country that is worth cherishing, upholding, nurturing, and preserving for future generations.
Teedzani Thapelo*, is author of the Botswana novel series Seasons of Thunder, Vol. 1(2014), Vol. 2 (2015) and Vol. 3 (2016) and forthcoming books; Battle Against the Botswana Democratic Party: the beginning of the point of departure, Politics of Unfulfilled Expectations in Botswana: a dangerous mess, Philosophy of Death and the Ruin of Selibe-Phikwe: abandonment and revolt, The Argument Against the Botswana Democratic Party: an intellectual inquiry and Khama Presidency and Vanity Fair in Parliament: an African political tragedy, and Sir Ketumile Masire: willow in the limelight and the gathering storm.
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The Oil and Gas industry has undergone several significant developments and changes over the last few years. Understanding these developments and trends is crucial towards better appreciating how to navigate the engagement in this space, whether directly in the energy space or in associated value chain roles such as financing.
Here, we explore some of the most notable global events and trends and the potential impact or bearing they have on the local and global market.
Governments and companies around the world have been increasingly focused on transitioning towards renewable energy sources such as solar and wind power. This shift is motivated by concerns about climate change and the need to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Africa, including Botswana, is part of these discussions, as we work to collectively ensure a greener and more sustainable future. Indeed, this is now a greater priority the world over. It aligns closely with the increase in Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) investing being observed. ESG investing has become increasingly popular, and many investors are now looking for companies that are focused on sustainability and reducing their carbon footprint. This trend could have significant implications for the oil and fuel industry, which is often viewed as environmentally unsustainable. Relatedly and equally key are the evolving government policies. Government policies and regulations related to the Oil and Gas industry are likely to continue evolving with discussions including incentives for renewable energy and potentially imposing stricter regulations on emissions.
The COVID-19 pandemic has also played a strong role. Over the last two years, the pandemic had a profound impact on the Oil and Gas industry (and fuel generally), leading to a significant drop in demand as travel and economic activity slowed down. As a result, oil prices plummeted, with crude oil prices briefly turning negative in April 2020. Most economies have now vaccinated their populations and are in recovery mode, and with the recovery of the economies, there has been recovery of oil prices; however, the pace and sustainability of recovery continues to be dependent on factors such as emergence of new variants of the virus.
This period, which saw increased digital transformation on the whole, also saw accelerated and increased investment in technology. The Oil and Gas industry is expected to continue investing in new digital technologies to increase efficiency and reduce costs. This also means a necessary understanding and subsequent action to address the impacts from the rise of electric vehicles. The growing popularity of electric vehicles is expected to reduce demand for traditional gasoline-powered cars. This has, in turn, had an impact on the demand for oil.
Last but not least, geopolitical tensions have played a tremendous role. Geopolitical tensions between major oil-producing countries can and has impacted the supply of oil and fuel. Ongoing tensions in the Middle East and between the US and Russia could have an impact on global oil prices further, and we must be mindful of this.
On the home front in Botswana, all these discussions are relevant and the subject of discussion in many corporate and even public sector boardrooms. Stanbic Bank Botswana continues to take a lead in supporting the Oil and Gas industry in its current state and as it evolves and navigates these dynamics. This is through providing financing to support Oil and Gas companies’ operations, including investments in new technologies. The Bank offers risk management services to help oil and gas companies to manage risks associated with price fluctuations, supply chain disruptions and regulatory changes. This includes offering hedging products and providing advice on risk management strategies.
Advisory and support for sustainability initiatives that the industry undertakes is also key to ensuring that, as companies navigate complex market conditions, they are more empowered to make informed business decisions. It is important to work with Oil and Gas companies to develop and implement sustainability strategies, such as reducing emissions and increasing the use of renewable energy. This is key to how partners such as Stanbic Bank work to support the sector.
Last but not least, Stanbic Bank stands firmly in support of Botswana’s drive in the development of the sector with the view to attain better fuel security and reduce dependence risk on imported fuel. This is crucial towards ensuring a stronger, stabler market, and a core aspect to how we can play a role in helping drive Botswana’s growth. Continued understanding, learning, and sustainable action are what will help ensure the Oil and Gas sector is supported towards positive, sustainable and impactful growth in a manner that brings social, environmental and economic benefit.
Loago Tshomane is Manager, Client Coverage, Corporate and Investment Banking (CIB), Stanbic Bank Botswana

So, the conclusion is brands are important. I start by concluding because one hopes this is a foregone conclusion given the furore that erupts over a botched brand. If a fast food chef bungles a food order, there’d be possibly some isolated complaint thrown. However, if the same company’s marketing expert or agency cooks up a tasteless brand there is a country-wide outcry. Why? Perhaps this is because brands affect us more deeply than we care to understand or admit. The fact that the uproar might be equal parts of schadenfreude, black twitter-esque criticism and, disappointment does not take away from the decibel of concern raised.
A good place to start our understanding of a brand is naturally by defining what a brand is. Marty Neumier, the genius who authored The Brand Gap, offers this instructive definition – “A brand is a person’s gut feel about a product or service”. In other words, a brand is not what the company says it is. It is what the people feel it is. It is the sum total of what it means to them. Brands are perceptions. So, brands are defined by individuals not companies. But brands are owned by companies not individuals. Brands are crafted in privacy but consumed publicly. Brands are communal. Granted, you say. But that doesn’t still explain why everybody and their pet dog feel entitled to jump in feet first into a brand slug-fest armed with a hot opinion. True. But consider the following truism.
Brands are living. They act as milestones in our past. They are signposts of our identity. Beacons of our triumphs. Indexes of our consumption. Most importantly, they have invaded our very words and world view. Try going for just 24 hours without mentioning a single brand name. Quite difficult, right? Because they live among us they have become one of us. And we have therefore built ‘brand bonds’ with them. For example, iPhone owners gather here. You love your iPhone. It goes everywhere. You turn to it in moments of joy and when we need a quick mood boost. Notice how that ‘relationship’ started with desire as you longingly gazed upon it in a glossy brochure. That quickly progressed to asking other people what they thought about it. Followed by the zero moment of truth were you committed and voted your approval through a purchase. Does that sound like a romantic relationship timeline. You bet it does. Because it is. When we conduct brand workshops we run the Brand Loyalty ™ exercise wherein we test people’s loyalty to their favourite brand(s). The results are always quite intriguing. Most people are willing to pay a 40% premium over the standard price for ‘their’ brand. They simply won’t easily ‘breakup’ with it. Doing so can cause brand ‘heart ache’. There is strong brand elasticity for loved brands.
Now that we know brands are communal and endeared, then companies armed with this knowledge, must exercise caution and practise reverence when approaching the subject of rebranding. It’s fragile. The question marketers ought to ask themselves before gleefully jumping into the hot rebranding cauldron is – Do we go for an Evolution (partial rebrand) or a Revolution(full rebrand)? An evolution is incremental. It introduces small but significant changes or additions to the existing visual brand. Here, think of the subtle changes you’ve seen in financial or FMCG brands over the decades. Evolution allows you to redirect the brand without alienating its horde of faithful followers. As humans we love the familiar and certain. Change scares us. Especially if we’ve not been privy to the important but probably blinkered ‘strategy sessions’ ongoing behind the scenes. Revolutions are often messy. They are often hard reset about-turns aiming for a total new look and ‘feel’.
Hard rebranding is risky business. History is littered with the agony of brands large and small who felt the heat of public disfavour. In January 2009, PepsiCo rebranded the Tropicana. When the newly designed package hit the shelves, consumers were not having it. The New York Times reports that ‘some of the commenting described the new packaging as ‘ugly’ ‘stupid’. They wanted their old one back that showed a ripe orange with a straw in it. Sales dipped 20%. PepsiCo reverted to the old logo and packaging within a month. In 2006 Mastercard had to backtrack away from it’s new logo after public criticism, as did Leeds United, and the clothing brand Gap. AdAge magazine reports that critics most common sentiment about the Gap logo was that it looked like something a child had created using a clip-art gallery. Botswana is no different. University of Botswana had to retreat into the comfort of the known and accepted heritage strong brand. Sir Ketumile Masire Teaching Hospital was badgered with complaints till it ‘adjusted’ its logo.
So if the landscape of rebranding is so treacherous then whey take the risk? Companies need to soberly assess they need for a rebrand. According to the fellows at Ignyte Branding a rebrand is ignited by the following admissions :
Our brand name no longer reflects our company’s vision.
We’re embarrassed to hand out our business cards.
Our competitive advantage is vague or poorly articulated.
Our brand has lost focus and become too complex to understand. Our business model or strategy has changed.
Our business has outgrown its current brand.
We’re undergoing or recently underwent a merger or acquisition. Our business has moved or expanded its geographic reach.
We need to disassociate our brand from a negative image.
We’re struggling to raise our prices and increase our profit margins. We want to expand our influence and connect to new audiences. We’re not attracting top talent for the positions we need to fill. All the above are good reasons to rebrand.
The downside to this debacle is that companies genuinely needing to rebrand might be hesitant or delay it altogether. The silver lining I guess is that marketing often mocked for its charlatans, is briefly transformed from being the Archilles heel into Thanos’ glove in an instant.
So what does a company need to do to safely navigate the rebranding terrain? Companies need to interrogate their brand purpose thoroughly. Not what they think they stand for but what they authentically represent when seen through the lens of their team members. In our Brand Workshop we use a number of tools to tease out the compelling brand truth. This section always draws amusing insights. Unfailingly, the top management (CEO & CFO)always has a vastly different picture of their brand to the rest of their ExCo and middle management, as do they to the customer-facing officer. We have only come across one company that had good internal alignment. Needless to say that brand is doing superbly well.
There is need a for brand strategies to guide the brand. One observes that most brands ‘make a plan’ as they go along. Little or no deliberate position on Brand audit, Customer research, Brand positioning and purpose, Architecture, Messaging, Naming, Tagline, Brand Training and may more. A brand strategy distils why your business exists beyond making money – its ‘why’. It defines what makes your brand what it is, what differentiates it from the competition and how you want your customers to perceive it. Lacking a brand strategy disadvantages the company in that it appears soul-less and lacking in personality. Naturally, people do not like to hang around humans with nothing to say. A brand strategy understands the value proposition. People don’t buy nails for the nails sake. They buy nails to hammer into the wall to hang pictures of their loved ones. People don’t buy make up because of its several hues and shades. Make up is self-expression. Understanding this arms a brand with an iron clad clad strategy on the brand battlefield.
But perhaps you’ve done the important research and strategy work. It’s still possible to bungle the final look and feel. A few years ago one large brand had an extensive strategy done. Hopes were high for a top tier brand reveal. The eventual proposed brand was lack-lustre. I distinctly remember, being tasked as local agency to ‘land’ the brand and we outright refused. We could see this was a disaster of epic proportions begging to happen. The brand consultants were summoned to revise the logo. After a several tweaks and compromises the brand landed. It currently exists as one of the country’s largest brands. Getting the logo and visual look right is important. But how does one know if they are on the right path? Using the simile of a brand being a person – The answer is how do you know your outfit is right? It must serve a function, be the right fit and cut, it must be coordinated and lastly it must say something about you. So it is possible to bath in a luxurious bath gel, apply exotic lotion, be facebeat and still somehow wear a faux pas outfit. Avoid that.
Another suggestion is to do the obvious. Pre-test the logo and its look and feel on a cross section of your existing and prospective audience. There are tools to do this. Their feedback can save you money, time and pain. Additionally one must do another obvious check – use Google Image to verify the visual outcome and plain Google search to verify the name. These are so obvious they are hopefully for gone conclusions. But for the brands that have gone ahead without them, I hope you have not concluded your brand journeys as there is a world of opportunity waiting to be unlocked with the right brand strategy key.
Cliff Mada is Head of ArmourGetOn Brand Consultancy, based in Gaborone and Cape Town.
cliff@armourgeton.com

The Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG) is the most comprehensive dataset measuring African governance performance through a wide range of 81 indicators under the categories of Security & Rule of law, Participation, Rights & Inclusion, Foundations of Economic Opportunity, and Human Development. It employs scores, expressed out of 100, which quantify a country’s performance for each governance measure and ranks, out of 54, in relation to the 54 African countries.
The 2022 IIAG Overall Governance score is 68.1 and ranks Botswana at number 5 in Africa. In 2019 Botswana was ranked 2nd with an overall score of 73.3. That is a sharp decline. The best-performing countries are Mauritius, Seychelles, Tunisia, and Cabo Verde, in that order. A glance at the categories shows that Botswana is in third place in Africa on the Security and Rule of law; ninth in the Participation, Rights & Inclusion Category – indicating a shrinking participatory environment; eighth for Foundations of Economic Opportunity category; and fifth in the Human Development category.
The 2022 IIAG comes to a sweeping conclusion: Governments are less accountable and transparent in 2021 than at any time over the last ten years; Higher GDP does not necessarily indicate better governance; rule of law has weakened in the last five years; Democratic backsliding in Africa has accelerated since 2018; Major restrictions on freedom of association and assembly since 2012. Botswana is no exception to these conclusions. In fact, a look at the 10-year trend shows a major challenge. While Botswana remains in the top 5 of the best-performing countries in Africa, there are signs of decline, especially in the categories of Human Development and Security & Rule of law.
I start with this picture to show that Botswana is no longer the poster child for democracy, good governance, and commitment to the rule of law that it once was. In fact, to use the term used in the IIAG, Botswana is experiencing a “democratic backsliding.”
The 2021 Transparency International Corruption Perception Index (CPI) had Botswana at 55/ 100, the lowest ever score recorded by Botswana dethroning Botswana as Africa’s least corrupt country to a distant third place, where it was in 2019 with a CPI of 61/100. (A score closer to zero denotes the worst corrupt and a score closer to 100 indicates the least corrupt country). The concern here is that while other African states are advancing in their transparency and accountability indexes, Botswana is backsliding.
The Transitional National Development Plan lists participatory democracy, the rule of law, transparency, and accountability, as key “deliverables,” if you may call those deliverables. If indeed Botswana is committed to these principles, she must ratify the African Charter on Democracy Elections and Governance (ACDEG).
The African Charter on Democracy Elections and Governance is the African Union’s principal policy document for advancing democratic governance in African Union member states. The ACDEG embodies the continent’s commitment to a democratic agenda and set the standards upon which countries agreed to be held accountable. The Charter was adopted in 2007 and came into force a decade ago, in 2012.
Article 2 of the Charter details its objectives among others as to a) Promote adherence, by each State Party, to the universal values and principles of democracy and respect for human rights; b) Promote and protect the independence of the judiciary; c) Promote the establishment of the necessary conditions to foster citizen participation, transparency, access to information, freedom of the press and accountability in the management of public affairs; d) Promote gender balance and equality in the governance and development processes.
The Charter emphasizes certain principles through which member states must uphold: Citizen Participation, Accountable Institutions, Respect for Human Rights, Adherence to the principles of the Rule of Law, Respect for the supremacy of the constitution and constitutional order, Entrenchment of democratic Principles, Separation of Powers, Respect for the Judiciary, Independence and impartiality of electoral bodies, best practice in the management of elections. These are among the top issues that Batswana have been calling for, that they be entrenched in the new Constitution.
The ACDEG is a revolutionary document. Article 3 of the ACDEG, sets guidance on the principles that must guide the implementation of the Charter among them: Effective participation of citizens in democratic and development processes and in the governance of public affairs; Promotion of a system of government that is representative; Holding of regular, transparent, free and fair elections; Separation of powers; Promotion of gender equality in public and private institutions and others.
Batswana have been calling for laws that make it mandatory for citizen participation in public affairs, more so, such calls have been amplified in the just-ended “consultative process” into the review of the Constitution of Botswana. Many scholars, academics, and Batswana, in general, have consistently made calls for a constitution that provides for clear separation of powers to prevent concentration of power in one branch, in Botswana’s case, the Executive, and provide for effective checks and balances. Other countries, like Kenya, have laws that promote gender equality in public and private institutions inscribed in their constitutions. The ACDEG could be a useful advocacy tool for the promotion of gender equality.
Perhaps more relevant to Botswana’s situation now is Article 10 of the Charter. Given how the constitutional review process unfolded, the numerous procedural mistakes and omissions, the lack of genuine consultations, the Charter principles could have provided a direction, if Botswana was party to the Charter. “State Parties shall ensure that the process of amendment or revision of their constitution reposes on national consensus, obtained, if need be, through referendum,” reads part of Article 10, giving clear clarity, that the Constitution belong to the people.
With the African Charter on Democracy Elections and Governance in hand, ratified, and also given the many shortfalls in the current constitution, Batswana can have a tool in hand, not only to hold the government accountable but also a tool for measuring aspirations and shortfalls of our governance institutional framework.
Botswana has not signed, nor has it acceded or ratified the ACDEG. The time to ratify the ACDEG is now. Our Movement, Motheo O Mosha Society, with support from the Democracy Works Foundation and The Charter Project Africa, will run a campaign to promote, popularise and advocate for the ratification of the Charter (#RatifytheCharter Campaign). The initiative is co-founded by the European Union. The Campaign is implemented with the support of our sister organizations: Global Shapers Community – Gaborone Hub, #FamilyMeetingBW, Botswana Center for Public Integrity, Black Roots Organization, Economic Development Forum, Molao-Matters, WoTech Foundation, University of Botswana Political Science Society, Young Minds Africa and Branding Akosua.
Ratifying the Charter would reaffirm Botswana’s commitment to upholding strong democratic values, and respect for constitutionalism, and promote the rule of law and political accountability. Join us in calling the Government of Botswana to #RatifyTheCharter.
*Morena MONGANJA is the Chairperson of Motheo O Mosha society; a grassroots movement advocating for a new Constitution for Botswana. Contact: socialcontractbw@gmail.com or WhatsApp 77 469 362.