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Africas debt sustainability: cause for concern?


Many African countries were caught in a debt trap at the turn of the century. A number of initiatives, most notably the Highly Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC), resulted in constructive but challenging negotiations and the debts of African nations being written off by the Paris Club of lenders in 2007. With the slate rubbed clean, African governments were free to borrow again. Today, eight countries are once more at risk of falling into a debt trap. Their chances of negotiating debt relief are grim.

Demographics and democracy

In the face of low domestic savings rates, it’s understandable that governments would want to borrow to invest in critical infrastructure and economic diversification. But in most cases, loans have been used to plug fiscal deficits and finance short-term political objectives. Ghana for example, used the proceeds of a debt raise to double some civil servants’ salaries.

In general, borrowing has failed to generate the revenues needed to cover increased levels of debt service, leading to a vicious cycle of rollover financing.  In a small number of cases loans have been embezzled. The case of Mozambique and the $2.4bn ‘tuna bonds’ scandal is perhaps the most brazen. On 17th October 2019, a former Credit Suisse banker confessed to a jury in Brooklyn that he had pocketed $45mn from the deal.

Rapid population growth in Africa (26 nations expect their populations to double by 2050) places pressure on governments to raise finance to serve expanding populations, while the spread of democracy encourages short-termism and myopia that doesn’t look beyond the next election cycle.  After all, politicians don’t win elections with promises to raise taxes and reduce public service spending.

The rise of commercial lenders

In the aftermath of the global financial crisis and the Eurozone crisis in 2008,  commercial lenders such as hedge funds and banks, and even high net worth individuals, moved into emerging and frontier markets in search of higher yields (African interest rates were higher than other regions, while rates in the West were at historical lows). African debt became a hot commodity and African governments were inundated with offers from banks and brokers to borrow on the private market.

Suddenly African governments had access to easy credit again, albeit at rates of interest that caused debt servicing costs to increase rapidly.  According to the Brookings Institute,’’ interest costs as a share of government revenues doubled from 5% in 2012 to 10% in 2017, its highest level since the early 2000s.’’  Today interest costs account for 10% of government revenues in seventeen countries, compared with six countries in 2012. This increase has been particularly large in Angola, Nigeria, Ghana and Burundi. Rising by almost 20%.

African governments raised more than $25bn from Eurobonds in 2018 alone, the third consecutive annual record. The practice continues to this day. Last week the Kenyan government announced its intention to borrow $4.1bn from external lenders (a total of 44 loan agreements), having been granted parliamentary approval for an increase in the country’s debt ceiling to $85.7bn. Parliament’s approval has opened the door for another $38bn on top of existing debt of $56bn (in June) and takes the nation’s debt to unprecedented levels.
Average external debt payments on the continent doubled between 2015-2017, from 5.9% to 11.8%. Much of this is commercial borrowing, accounting for 32% of total debt, and 55% of interest payments.

Table 1: Eurobond yields
Yield (mid)
USD 1.75 billion
EUR 500 million
USD 1 billion
USD 1.5 billion
USD 1 billion
Cote d’Ivoire
USD 571.5 million
USD 1 billion
USD 1.25 billion
USD 750 million
USD 750 million
USD 400 million

New colonialism

A ‘new colonialism’ is a term that was coined at the start of the century to reflect China’s growing influence in Africa and the proliferation of loan agreements underwritten by Chinese state-owned banks to African governments. When presenting the United States’ ‘New Africa Strategy’ in December 2018, Ambassador John Bolton said: ‘’China uses bribes, opaque agreements, and the strategic use of debt to hold states in Africa captive to Beijing’s wishes and demands.’’ Readers of the Wall Street Journal or New York Times could be forgiven for thinking that Chinese lending to Africa was responsible for the current levels of debt in Africa. It is not.

It’s easy to overestimate Chinese lending to Africa. $140bn was loaned to African nations by Chinese banks between 2000 to 2017.  While the sum is large, it accounts for only 20% of all debts owed by African nations to foreign lenders today. Nor are the terms of China’s loans predatory. The China Export Import Bank (Exim Bank), which is responsible for about 70% of Chinese loans in Africa lends at a fixed average rate of 2%.  Moreover, of the eight African nations that are categorized as being under debt distress, the proportion attributable to Chinese debt is negligible. 

Debt Distress

African debt levels have risen steadily from 38% of GDP to 59% of GDP between 2012-2018 (Debt to GDP is a measure of what a country owes, relative to its ability to pay).  Seven African countries today have a ratio above 80% – Eritrea, Cabo Verde, Mozambique, Angola, Zambia, Egypt and the Gambia. That’s 188 million people served by a public sector that in many cases is ill-equipped to manage these funds efficiently and productively.

Table 2: Public debt above 80% of GDP

Countries with Debt-to-GDP level above 80%
Debt as % of GDP in 2019 (IMF)
Cabo Verde
Gambia, The

In the past, when debt crises occurred and nations were facing default, they could negotiate with sovereign creditors. Today, nations must negotiate with a more diffuse creditor base comprising commercial lenders and vulture funds who buy debt on secondary markets, often at deep discounts with the intent of suing the debtor for full recovery. Vulture funds have averaged recovery rates of about 3 to 20 times their investment, equivalent to returns of (net legal fees) 300%-2000%.

Their practice is simple: purchase distressed debt at deep discounts, refuse to participate in restructuring, and pursue full value of the debt often at face value plus interest. The African Development Bank (AfDB) cites one recent case against Zambia, where a vulture fund, having bought a debt for US$3 million, sued Zambia for US$55 million and was awarded US$ 15.5 million.

Table 3: Debt as a proportion of GDP

Debt as % of GDP in 2019 (IMF)
Cabo Verde
Gambia, The
Republic of Congo
Sao Tome and Principe
Sierra Leone
South Africa
Côte d'Ivoire

Risk of contagion

The backdrop of dimming economic prospects off the continent provides aggravated cause for concern on the African continent. In its half yearly update published in October 2019 the IMF said that almost 40% of the corporate debt in eight leading industrialised countries – the US, China, Japan, Germany, Britain, France, Italy and Spain – would be impossible to service if there was a downturn half as serious as that of a decade ago. 

The World Bank’s Chief Economist for Africa points to the real fragility of those African nations who have seen an increase in debt by more than 20% points over six years, in the event of a global downturn. Commodity price slumps, a natural disaster or conflict would have similar devastating impacts. Renaissance Capital, an investment bank focused on emerging and frontier markets, worries that a large spike of $12 billion in repayments is due by African governments in 2024—mostly from smaller oil-importing countries. This would be hard to roll over if the global economy in 2024 is in bad shape.

Public debt dynamics

The US has a 77% public debt to GDP ratio, while France had a ratio of 98.4% at the end of 2018.  In cases where governments have the capacity to bear high levels of debt, there's little reason for concern. But research conducted by the Brookings Institute concludes that ‘’public debt dynamics in many countries in sub-Saharan Africa are now working against their stability and growth.’’ They found that ‘the quality of policies and institutions has deteriorated or not improved in most African countries,’ with the biggest deterioration occurring in countries that have witnessed the highest increases in public debt. This should concern us.

What next?

The IMF is working to address the risk of default in nations facing debt distress. Under its IDA programme it has established a Sustainable Development Finance Policy (SDFP). Under this initiative they will engage with the non-Paris Club — the so-called emerging donors – to help restructure African nations’ debts where possible, and to ensure they remain eligible beneficiaries of IDA funding.

While you will never hear them speak of conditionalities, the IMF intends to use the next two years to push for measurable progress in the policy actions needed for debt sustainability. In instances where there is no measurable progress, they will reduce the allocation for the third year. Constructive engagement between the IMF and the governments of Ghana and Gabon have resulted in measures to successfully reduce their debt burdens in recent years, while the merry dance that has played out between the Government of Zambia and the IMF has failed to achieve the same results. Zambia’s external debt stock today stands at more than $19billion (a debt to GDP of 74%). It stood at just $3bn in 2008. 

Structural and governance constraints

The fact that nations face the prospect of another debt crisis less than two decades after HIPC debt relief was granted, is a reminder that structural and governance issues still pose a challenge on the continent. Domestic resource mobilization, through efficient tax revenue collection and domestic financial markets, forms an important part of the solution. 

Combating illicit financial flows and strengthening natural resource governance, is important too. And finally, accountability. We have to address the fact that governments can borrow billions of dollars on the Eurobond market with little or no accountability regarding the use of the proceeds, as Andrew Roche points out in his article published on 17th October 2019 in the FT.

So, what needs to happen next?

Firstly, African governments must stop denying that a problem exists.  Secondly, when issuing bonds, they should present full prospectuses, identifying clearly how the funds will be spent. The ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ approach cited by Roche which characterises most bond issuances is irresponsible, and in the case of the Mozambican example I cited above, damn right criminal.  All revenue raises should be subjected to parliamentary scrutiny and to ESG performance principles, to ensure that the proceeds are invested in areas that generate improved performance at low risk and conform with environmental and social impact criteria. Such scrutiny should be rewarded with improved risk ratings for the nation.

For their part, issuers should be obligated to reveal the full costs of a transaction, including the costs of the underlying goods (in the case of Mozambique, the real cost of the tuna fishing fleet, and the cost of the inducements also!). Nor is the full cost limited to items appearing on the balance sheet. As Sylma Du Plessis, partner at Alkebulan reminds us, ‘many deals are structured in such a way that commitments are given off the balance sheet, whether through direct government guarantees or indirect take or pay offtake arrangements, such as power purchase agreements that place commitments directly or indirectly on the State (as in the case of Eskom in South Africa).

The role of the World Bank (IFC and MIGA) in structuring and insuring credit must improve also. These institutions often provide credit support to banks where most of the value ends up with the banks, not the country itself – in particular with difficult-to-price derivatives that get guaranteed by insurance companies and MIGA and are not always priced appropriately based on market prices, leading to significant mark to market gains for banks and limiting the credit lines available to countries.  

And finally, industry should take note  that high  levels of debt distress leads governments to  introduce new taxes (in 2019 the Zambian government has attempted to introduce a new sales tax),  or to pursue arbitrary and discriminatory enforcement of regulations aimed at  raising the funds they need to bridge the deficit. In such instances, companies would be wise to anticipate regulatory shifts and to work with industry peers to proactively raise and resolve concerns, while presenting feasible alternatives. Saying nothing and doing nothing is an act of sabotage.

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Fuelling Change: The Evolving Dynamics of the Oil and Gas Industry

4th April 2023

The Oil and Gas industry has undergone several significant developments and changes over the last few years. Understanding these developments and trends is crucial towards better appreciating how to navigate the engagement in this space, whether directly in the energy space or in associated value chain roles such as financing.

Here, we explore some of the most notable global events and trends and the potential impact or bearing they have on the local and global market.

Governments and companies around the world have been increasingly focused on transitioning towards renewable energy sources such as solar and wind power. This shift is motivated by concerns about climate change and the need to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Africa, including Botswana, is part of these discussions, as we work to collectively ensure a greener and more sustainable future. Indeed, this is now a greater priority the world over. It aligns closely with the increase in Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) investing being observed. ESG investing has become increasingly popular, and many investors are now looking for companies that are focused on sustainability and reducing their carbon footprint. This trend could have significant implications for the oil and fuel industry, which is often viewed as environmentally unsustainable. Relatedly and equally key are the evolving government policies. Government policies and regulations related to the Oil and Gas industry are likely to continue evolving with discussions including incentives for renewable energy and potentially imposing stricter regulations on emissions.

The COVID-19 pandemic has also played a strong role. Over the last two years, the pandemic had a profound impact on the Oil and Gas industry (and fuel generally), leading to a significant drop in demand as travel and economic activity slowed down. As a result, oil prices plummeted, with crude oil prices briefly turning negative in April 2020. Most economies have now vaccinated their populations and are in recovery mode, and with the recovery of the economies, there has been recovery of oil prices; however, the pace and sustainability of recovery continues to be dependent on factors such as emergence of new variants of the virus.

This period, which saw increased digital transformation on the whole, also saw accelerated and increased investment in technology. The Oil and Gas industry is expected to continue investing in new digital technologies to increase efficiency and reduce costs. This also means a necessary understanding and subsequent action to address the impacts from the rise of electric vehicles. The growing popularity of electric vehicles is expected to reduce demand for traditional gasoline-powered cars. This has, in turn, had an impact on the demand for oil.

Last but not least, geopolitical tensions have played a tremendous role. Geopolitical tensions between major oil-producing countries can and has impacted the supply of oil and fuel. Ongoing tensions in the Middle East and between the US and Russia could have an impact on global oil prices further, and we must be mindful of this.

On the home front in Botswana, all these discussions are relevant and the subject of discussion in many corporate and even public sector boardrooms. Stanbic Bank Botswana continues to take a lead in supporting the Oil and Gas industry in its current state and as it evolves and navigates these dynamics. This is through providing financing to support Oil and Gas companies’ operations, including investments in new technologies. The Bank offers risk management services to help oil and gas companies to manage risks associated with price fluctuations, supply chain disruptions and regulatory changes. This includes offering hedging products and providing advice on risk management strategies.

Advisory and support for sustainability initiatives that the industry undertakes is also key to ensuring that, as companies navigate complex market conditions, they are more empowered to make informed business decisions. It is important to work with Oil and Gas companies to develop and implement sustainability strategies, such as reducing emissions and increasing the use of renewable energy. This is key to how partners such as Stanbic Bank work to support the sector.

Last but not least, Stanbic Bank stands firmly in support of Botswana’s drive in the development of the sector with the view to attain better fuel security and reduce dependence risk on imported fuel. This is crucial towards ensuring a stronger, stabler market, and a core aspect to how we can play a role in helping drive Botswana’s growth.  Continued understanding, learning, and sustainable action are what will help ensure the Oil and Gas sector is supported towards positive, sustainable and impactful growth in a manner that brings social, environmental and economic benefit.

Loago Tshomane is Manager, Client Coverage, Corporate and Investment Banking (CIB), Stanbic Bank Botswana

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Brands are important

27th March 2023

So, the conclusion is brands are important. I start by concluding because one hopes this is a foregone conclusion given the furore that erupts over a botched brand. If a fast food chef bungles a food order, there’d be possibly some isolated complaint thrown. However, if the same company’s marketing expert or agency cooks up a tasteless brand there is a country-wide outcry. Why?  Perhaps this is because brands affect us more deeply than we care to understand or admit. The fact that the uproar might be equal parts of schadenfreude, black twitter-esque criticism and, disappointment does not take away from the decibel of concern raised.

A good place to start our understanding of a brand is naturally by defining what a brand is. Marty Neumier, the genius who authored The Brand Gap, offers this instructive definition – “A brand is a person’s gut feel about a product or service”. In other words, a brand is not what the company says it is. It is what the people feel it is. It is the sum total of what it means to them. Brands are perceptions. So, brands are defined by individuals not companies. But brands are owned by companies not individuals. Brands are crafted in privacy but consumed publicly. Brands are communal. Granted, you say. But that doesn’t still explain why everybody and their pet dog feel entitled to jump in feet first into a brand slug-fest armed with a hot opinion. True. But consider the following truism.


Brands are living. They act as milestones in our past. They are signposts of our identity. Beacons of our triumphs. Indexes of our consumption. Most importantly, they have invaded our very words and world view. Try going for just 24 hours without mentioning a single brand name. Quite difficult, right? Because they live among us they have become one of us. And we have therefore built ‘brand bonds’ with them. For example, iPhone owners gather here. You love your iPhone. It goes everywhere. You turn to it in moments of joy and when we need a quick mood boost. Notice how that ‘relationship’ started with desire as you longingly gazed upon it in a glossy brochure. That quickly progressed to asking other people what they thought about it. Followed by the zero moment of truth were you committed and voted your approval through a purchase. Does that sound like a romantic relationship timeline. You bet it does. Because it is. When we conduct brand workshops we run the Brand Loyalty ™ exercise wherein we test people’s loyalty to their favourite brand(s). The results are always quite intriguing. Most people are willing to pay a 40% premium over the standard price for ‘their’ brand. They simply won’t easily ‘breakup’ with it. Doing so can cause brand ‘heart ache’. There is strong brand elasticity for loved brands.


Now that we know brands are communal and endeared, then companies armed with this knowledge, must exercise caution and practise reverence when approaching the subject of rebranding. It’s fragile. The question marketers ought to ask themselves before gleefully jumping into the hot rebranding cauldron is – Do we go for an Evolution (partial rebrand) or a Revolution(full rebrand)? An evolution is incremental. It introduces small but significant changes or additions to the existing visual brand. Here, think of the subtle changes you’ve seen in financial or FMCG brands over the decades. Evolution allows you to redirect the brand without alienating its horde of faithful followers. As humans we love the familiar and certain. Change scares us. Especially if we’ve not been privy to the important but probably blinkered ‘strategy sessions’ ongoing behind the scenes. Revolutions are often messy. They are often hard reset about-turns aiming for a total new look and ‘feel’.



Hard rebranding is risky business. History is littered with the agony of brands large and small who felt the heat of public disfavour. In January 2009, PepsiCo rebranded the Tropicana. When the newly designed package hit the shelves, consumers were not having it. The New York Times reports that ‘some of the commenting described the new packaging as ‘ugly’ ‘stupid’. They wanted their old one back that showed a ripe orange with a straw in it. Sales dipped 20%. PepsiCo reverted to the old logo and packaging within a month. In 2006 Mastercard had to backtrack away from it’s new logo after public criticism, as did Leeds United, and the clothing brand Gap. AdAge magazine reports that critics most common sentiment about the Gap logo was that it looked like something a child had created using a clip-art gallery. Botswana is no different. University of Botswana had to retreat into the comfort of the known and accepted heritage strong brand.  Sir Ketumile Masire Teaching Hospital was badgered with complaints till it ‘adjusted’ its logo.



So if the landscape of rebranding is so treacherous then whey take the risk? Companies need to soberly assess they need for a rebrand. According to the fellows at Ignyte Branding a rebrand is ignited by the following admissions :

Our brand name no longer reflects our company’s vision.
We’re embarrassed to hand out our business cards.

Our competitive advantage is vague or poorly articulated.
Our brand has lost focus and become too complex to understand. Our business model or strategy has changed.
Our business has outgrown its current brand.
We’re undergoing or recently underwent a merger or acquisition. Our business has moved or expanded its geographic reach.
We need to disassociate our brand from a negative image.
We’re struggling to raise our prices and increase our profit margins. We want to expand our influence and connect to new audiences. We’re not attracting top talent for the positions we need to fill. All the above are good reasons to rebrand.

The downside to this debacle is that companies genuinely needing to rebrand might be hesitant or delay it altogether. The silver lining I guess is that marketing often mocked for its charlatans, is briefly transformed from being the Archilles heel into Thanos’ glove in an instant.

So what does a company need to do to safely navigate the rebranding terrain? Companies need to interrogate their brand purpose thoroughly. Not what they think they stand for but what they authentically represent when seen through the lens of their team members. In our Brand Workshop we use a number of tools to tease out the compelling brand truth. This section always draws amusing insights. Unfailingly, the top management (CEO & CFO)always has a vastly different picture of their brand to the rest of their ExCo and middle management, as do they to the customer-facing officer. We have only come across one company that had good internal alignment. Needless to say that brand is doing superbly well.

There is need a for brand strategies to guide the brand. One observes that most brands ‘make a plan’ as they go along. Little or no deliberate position on Brand audit, Customer research, Brand positioning and purpose, Architecture, Messaging, Naming, Tagline, Brand Training and may more. A brand strategy distils why your business exists beyond making money – its ‘why’. It defines what makes your brand what it is, what differentiates it from the competition and how you want your customers to perceive it. Lacking a brand strategy disadvantages the company in that it appears soul-less and lacking in personality. Naturally, people do not like to hang around humans with nothing to say. A brand strategy understands the value proposition. People don’t buy nails for the nails sake. They buy nails to hammer into the wall to hang pictures of their loved ones. People don’t buy make up because of its several hues and shades. Make up is self-expression. Understanding this arms a brand with an iron clad clad strategy on the brand battlefield.

But perhaps you’ve done the important research and strategy work. It’s still possible to bungle the final look and feel.  A few years ago one large brand had an extensive strategy done. Hopes were high for a top tier brand reveal. The eventual proposed brand was lack-lustre. I distinctly remember, being tasked as local agency to ‘land’ the brand and we outright refused. We could see this was a disaster of epic proportions begging to happen. The brand consultants were summoned to revise the logo. After a several tweaks and compromises the brand landed. It currently exists as one of the country’s largest brands. Getting the logo and visual look right is important. But how does one know if they are on the right path? Using the simile of a brand being a person – The answer is how do you know your outfit is right? It must serve a function, be the right fit and cut, it must be coordinated and lastly it must say something about you. So it is possible to bath in a luxurious bath gel, apply exotic lotion, be facebeat and still somehow wear a faux pas outfit. Avoid that.

Another suggestion is to do the obvious. Pre-test the logo and its look and feel on a cross section of your existing and prospective audience. There are tools to do this. Their feedback can save you money, time and pain. Additionally one must do another obvious check – use Google Image to verify the visual outcome and plain Google search to verify the name. These are so obvious they are hopefully for gone conclusions. But for the brands that have gone ahead without them, I hope you have not concluded your brand journeys as there is a world of opportunity waiting to be unlocked with the right brand strategy key.

Cliff Mada is Head of ArmourGetOn Brand Consultancy, based in Gaborone and Cape Town.

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The case for Botswana to ratify the ACDEG

6th March 2023

The Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG) is the most comprehensive dataset measuring African governance performance through a wide range of 81 indicators under the categories of Security & Rule of law, Participation, Rights & Inclusion, Foundations of Economic Opportunity, and Human Development. It employs scores, expressed out of 100, which quantify a country’s performance for each governance measure and ranks, out of 54, in relation to the 54 African countries.

The 2022 IIAG Overall Governance score is 68.1 and ranks Botswana at number 5 in Africa. In 2019 Botswana was ranked 2nd with an overall score of 73.3. That is a sharp decline. The best-performing countries are Mauritius, Seychelles, Tunisia, and Cabo Verde, in that order. A glance at the categories shows that Botswana is in third place in Africa on the Security and Rule of law; ninth in the Participation, Rights & Inclusion Category – indicating a shrinking participatory environment; eighth for Foundations of Economic Opportunity category; and fifth in the Human Development category.

The 2022 IIAG comes to a sweeping conclusion: Governments are less accountable and transparent in 2021 than at any time over the last ten years; Higher GDP does not necessarily indicate better governance; rule of law has weakened in the last five years; Democratic backsliding in Africa has accelerated since 2018; Major restrictions on freedom of association and assembly since 2012. Botswana is no exception to these conclusions. In fact, a look at the 10-year trend shows a major challenge. While Botswana remains in the top 5 of the best-performing countries in Africa, there are signs of decline, especially in the categories of Human Development and Security & Rule of law.

I start with this picture to show that Botswana is no longer the poster child for democracy, good governance, and commitment to the rule of law that it once was. In fact, to use the term used in the IIAG, Botswana is experiencing a “democratic backsliding.”

The 2021 Transparency International Corruption Perception Index (CPI) had Botswana at 55/ 100, the lowest ever score recorded by Botswana dethroning Botswana as Africa’s least corrupt country to a distant third place, where it was in 2019 with a CPI of 61/100. (A score closer to zero denotes the worst corrupt and a score closer to 100 indicates the least corrupt country). The concern here is that while other African states are advancing in their transparency and accountability indexes, Botswana is backsliding.

The Transitional National Development Plan lists participatory democracy, the rule of law, transparency, and accountability, as key “deliverables,” if you may call those deliverables. If indeed Botswana is committed to these principles, she must ratify the African Charter on Democracy Elections and Governance (ACDEG).

The African Charter on Democracy Elections and Governance is the African Union’s principal policy document for advancing democratic governance in African Union member states. The ACDEG embodies the continent’s commitment to a democratic agenda and set the standards upon which countries agreed to be held accountable. The Charter was adopted in 2007 and came into force a decade ago, in 2012.

Article 2 of the Charter details its objectives among others as to a) Promote adherence, by each State Party, to the universal values and principles of democracy and respect for human rights; b) Promote and protect the independence of the judiciary; c) Promote the establishment of the necessary conditions to foster citizen participation, transparency, access to information, freedom of the press and accountability in the management of public affairs; d) Promote gender balance and equality in the governance and development processes.

The Charter emphasizes certain principles through which member states must uphold: Citizen Participation, Accountable Institutions, Respect for Human Rights, Adherence to the principles of the Rule of Law, Respect for the supremacy of the constitution and constitutional order, Entrenchment of democratic Principles, Separation of Powers, Respect for the Judiciary, Independence and impartiality of electoral bodies, best practice in the management of elections. These are among the top issues that Batswana have been calling for, that they be entrenched in the new Constitution.

The ACDEG is a revolutionary document. Article 3 of the ACDEG, sets guidance on the principles that must guide the implementation of the Charter among them: Effective participation of citizens in democratic and development processes and in the governance of public affairs; Promotion of a system of government that is representative; Holding of regular, transparent, free and fair elections; Separation of powers; Promotion of gender equality in public and private institutions and others.

Batswana have been calling for laws that make it mandatory for citizen participation in public affairs, more so, such calls have been amplified in the just-ended “consultative process” into the review of the Constitution of Botswana. Many scholars, academics, and Batswana, in general, have consistently made calls for a constitution that provides for clear separation of powers to prevent concentration of power in one branch, in Botswana’s case, the Executive, and provide for effective checks and balances. Other countries, like Kenya, have laws that promote gender equality in public and private institutions inscribed in their constitutions. The ACDEG could be a useful advocacy tool for the promotion of gender equality.

Perhaps more relevant to Botswana’s situation now is Article 10 of the Charter. Given how the constitutional review process unfolded, the numerous procedural mistakes and omissions, the lack of genuine consultations, the Charter principles could have provided a direction, if Botswana was party to the Charter. “State Parties shall ensure that the process of amendment or revision of their constitution reposes on national consensus, obtained, if need be, through referendum,” reads part of Article 10, giving clear clarity, that the Constitution belong to the people.

With the African Charter on Democracy Elections and Governance in hand, ratified, and also given the many shortfalls in the current constitution, Batswana can have a tool in hand, not only to hold the government accountable but also a tool for measuring aspirations and shortfalls of our governance institutional framework.

Botswana has not signed, nor has it acceded or ratified the ACDEG. The time to ratify the ACDEG is now. Our Movement, Motheo O Mosha Society, with support from the Democracy Works Foundation and The Charter Project Africa, will run a campaign to promote, popularise and advocate for the ratification of the Charter (#RatifytheCharter Campaign). The initiative is co-founded by the European Union. The Campaign is implemented with the support of our sister organizations: Global Shapers Community – Gaborone Hub, #FamilyMeetingBW, Botswana Center for Public Integrity, Black Roots Organization, Economic Development Forum, Molao-Matters, WoTech Foundation, University of Botswana Political Science Society, Young Minds Africa and Branding Akosua.

Ratifying the Charter would reaffirm Botswana’s commitment to upholding strong democratic values, and respect for constitutionalism, and promote the rule of law and political accountability. Join us in calling the Government of Botswana to #RatifyTheCharter.

*Morena MONGANJA is the Chairperson of Motheo O Mosha society; a grassroots movement advocating for a new Constitution for Botswana. Contact: or WhatsApp 77 469 362.

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